Critically discuss Hakim's argument that women's heterogeneous preferences regarding work and family are the main determinants of female employment patterns (full time and part time) in the UK.

Women’s heterogeneous preferences regarding work and family are the main determinants of female employment patterns in liberal, modern societies (Hakim, 1991; Hakim, 2000; Hakim, 2006). Catherine Hakim argues that the emergence of a ‘new scenario’ concurrent with other tenets of preference theory, has resulted in constraint free societies whereby choice becomes the dominant explanation for the changes in employment patterns. A longitudinal study, using quantitative data interpreted by Hakim, reveals heterogeneous preferences of women, which can be grouped in to three categories: ‘home-centred’, ‘work-centred’ and ‘adaptive’ (Hakim, 2000:6). Within these categories the characteristics demonstrated by the women, remain stable over time. The heterogeneity of women’s preferences result in less coherence and a lack of conformity in relation to the development of social policy, a factor enabling the continuity of a patriarchal society supporting homogeneous men. This review will investigate trends in female employment patterns, in conjunction with Hakim’s preference theory, identifying contrasting literature illustrating the limited applicability of the theory to liberal, modern societies, the instability of preferences over time, and the relevance of the theory to men.

Hakim HALLOUCH

Journal of Human Capital

Hakim Rifle

Women are heterogeneous in their priorities on ‘work-life conflict’ and choice thereafter, as identified later in employment patterns (Hakim 2000:7). Polarization of female employment patterns intensifies with each generation and heterogeneous preferences are stable across the entire lifecycle. Hakim identifies three preference groups: ‘home centred’, ‘work centred’ and ‘adaptive’. ‘Home centred’ women account for approximately 20%* of all women, characteristically their family life and children are consistently prioritized and as a consequence, these women prefer not to work. They are also responsive to social and family policies. Hakim controversially claims that this group of women obtain educational qualifications solely as ‘intellectual dowry’ (Hakim, 2000:6). Diametrically opposed ‘work centred’ women prioritise employment, they commit solely to work or equivalent activities, make larger investments...