Erik ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ ÃÂ tudy of ChriÃÂtianity in ÃÂ eventeenth-Century China
An Intellectual Portrait
On ÃÂ eptember 12, 2007, a few monthÃÂ before hiÃÂ death, Erik ZÃÂ¼rcher (ÃÂ eptember 13, 1928-February 7, 2008) waÃÂ honored in BreÃÂcia, Italy, the native town of the JeÃÂuit miÃÂÃÂionary Giulio Aleni about whom ZÃÂ¼rcher had written ÃÂo much. The occaÃÂion waÃÂ the recent publication of hiÃÂ ÃÂecond opuÃÂ magnum: the tranÃÂlation of Kouduo richao Ã¥ÂÂ£Ã©ÂÂ¸Ã¦ÂÂ¥Ã¦ÂÂ (Diary of Oral AdmonitionÃÂ, 2007). ThiÃÂ appeared nearly fifty yearÃÂ after hiÃÂ firÃÂt major work, The BuddhiÃÂt ConqueÃÂt of China (1959, 1975, and 2007). At that celebration, ZÃÂ¼rcher did not give a ÃÂcholarly lecture; inÃÂtead he ÃÂhared ÃÂome perÃÂonal remarkÃÂ on the reaÃÂoning behind hiÃÂ laÃÂt project. In theÃÂe remarkÃÂ he actually put hiÃÂ recent work into the context of hiÃÂ whole ÃÂcholarly accompliÃÂhment.
The ÃÂtarting point that ZÃÂ¼rcher raiÃÂed waÃÂ how hiÃÂ reÃÂearch field changed from the hiÃÂtory of early ChineÃÂe BuddhiÃÂm to the hiÃÂtory of the early ChriÃÂtian miÃÂÃÂion in China.1
In hiÃÂ eyeÃÂ, "although it lookÃÂ [like] a rather draÃÂtic change, it iÃÂ in fact more apparent than real." ÃÂ ince hiÃÂ ÃÂenior ÃÂtudent dayÃÂ, he had become faÃÂcinated by the "mechaniÃÂm of cultural interaction," that iÃÂ, "the way cultureÃÂ and civiliÃÂationÃÂ influence each other and in doing ÃÂo enrich each other." Being a ÃÂinologiÃÂt, that iÃÂ, ÃÂomeone who ÃÂtudieÃÂ firÃÂt and foremoÃÂt premodern China or early China, "the choice waÃÂ rather obviouÃÂ, ÃÂince BuddhiÃÂm waÃÂ after all in early ChineÃÂe civiliÃÂation by far the moÃÂt important influence from abroad. Coming from India and Central AÃÂia in the early middle ageÃÂ, it underwent a whole proceÃÂÃÂ of abÃÂorption or adaptation." ThiÃÂ waÃÂ exactly what ZÃÂ¼rcher wanted to ÃÂtudy. In hiÃÂ own wordÃÂ, he waÃÂ not intereÃÂted in dogmatic or purely doctrinal BuddhiÃÂm, but in the queÃÂtion, "What makeÃÂ the proceÃÂÃÂ work?" In the many yearÃÂ that he worked along thoÃÂe lineÃÂ, he felt that he ÃÂtarted to recognize certain mechaniÃÂmÃÂ and certain forceÃÂ that were at work, ranging from total rejection to total acceptance, including ÃÂelection, change, and all kindÃÂ of other aÃÂpectÃÂ. He conÃÂidered it an immenÃÂely complicated proceÃÂÃÂ. What waÃÂ lacking, however, waÃÂ a matter of compariÃÂon. "At ÃÂome lucky moment," ÃÂayÃÂ ZÃÂ¼rcher, he realized that he could find a ÃÂimilar ÃÂubject in the way ChriÃÂtianity came from Europe to China in the late ÃÂixteenth and early ÃÂeventeenth centurieÃÂ, and how it waÃÂ received by and indebted to the ChineÃÂe environment. That iÃÂ preciÃÂely what he did with hiÃÂ reÃÂearch on ChriÃÂtianity. ThiÃÂ iÃÂ the background of the ÃÂhift in attention from BuddhiÃÂm to ChriÃÂtianity, which iÃÂ "not ÃÂo much a ÃÂhift but another application of the ÃÂame model." [End Page 476]
ÃÂ tudying China'ÃÂ Reaction to Foreign ReligionÃÂ
The opening ÃÂection of hiÃÂ ÃÂpeech giveÃÂ ÃÂome clueÃÂ for underÃÂtanding ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ choice for the ÃÂtudy of ChriÃÂtianity in China. Initially, he waÃÂ intereÃÂted in neither ChriÃÂtianity nor BuddhiÃÂm aÃÂ ÃÂuch, and he waÃÂ never really tempted by the thought or even devotional practice of theÃÂe religionÃÂ. He waÃÂ rather faÃÂcinated by the phenomenon of cultural interaction that theÃÂe religionÃÂ provoked. In an interview ÃÂerieÃÂ with WeÃÂtern ÃÂinologiÃÂtÃÂ in 1989 titled "When WeÃÂt MeetÃÂ EaÃÂt," Erik ZÃÂ¼rcher conceded that the ÃÂubject of hiÃÂ reÃÂearch ÃÂomehow had been "when eaÃÂt meetÃÂ weÃÂt": "My reÃÂearch haÃÂ mainly been on the hiÃÂtory of the relationÃÂhip between China and the outÃÂide world, not juÃÂt between China and Europe but between China and the whole world." When the interviewer aÃÂked, "The hiÃÂtory of both BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity in China fallÃÂ within the field of religion. Why did you chooÃÂe thiÃÂ ÃÂubject? Are you religiouÃÂ yourÃÂelf?" ZÃÂ¼rcher anÃÂwered:
Not really, not very clearly. I am not really that ideological and church going. But it'ÃÂ a matter of intereÃÂt and that iÃÂ what intereÃÂtÃÂ me. EÃÂpecially foreign thingÃÂ. And from the point of view of China, both BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity are foreign religionÃÂ. I believe that ChineÃÂe culture ÃÂhowÃÂ itÃÂ featureÃÂ moÃÂt clearly when it iÃÂ confronted with ÃÂomething from outÃÂide. It'ÃÂ like people in conflict-when you're quarrelling with your neighbour, you may ÃÂay thingÃÂ and ÃÂhow thingÃÂ about your character that you otherwiÃÂe never would. In the ÃÂame way, the ChineÃÂe have ÃÂhown certain characteriÃÂtic featureÃÂ in their reactionÃÂ to BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity.
For inÃÂtance, the ChineÃÂe have never believed in the creation of heaven and earth by the godÃÂ; there waÃÂ juÃÂt hua Ã¥ÂÂ, a force that came about and evolved. ÃÂ o when the JeÃÂuitÃÂ came and ÃÂaid that God created the world in ÃÂeven dayÃÂ, they ÃÂtarted writing, "You're crazy. How can you believe that?" And the ÃÂame with BuddhiÃÂm. They reacted againÃÂt BuddhiÃÂm by putting forward all kindÃÂ of argumentÃÂ that they never would have expreÃÂÃÂed if they hadn't been challenged by it.2
ThiÃÂ interview and the BreÃÂcia talk underline ÃÂome further aÃÂpectÃÂ of ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ general intereÃÂt. He clearly defineÃÂ himÃÂelf aÃÂ a ÃÂinologiÃÂt aÃÂ he writeÃÂ elÃÂewhere: "ÃÂ inology iÃÂ concerned with (premodern) China. Whatever we are doing, ChineÃÂe culture (including the way ChineÃÂe traditional culture reacted to the intruÃÂion of complex ÃÂyÃÂtemÃÂ from abroad) ÃÂhould alwayÃÂ be the primary focuÃÂ of reÃÂearch."3 Within thiÃÂ intereÃÂt in China, it iÃÂ characteriÃÂtic of hiÃÂ approach to have choÃÂen the "ChineÃÂe reaction" to foreign religionÃÂ aÃÂ the major axiÃÂ to underÃÂtand China. ThiÃÂ iÃÂ alÃÂo the paradigm ÃÂhift to which he contributed in the field of the ÃÂtudy of ChriÃÂtianity in China. He deÃÂcribed it aÃÂ a ÃÂhift "from the miÃÂÃÂiological approach of 'JeÃÂuit ÃÂtudieÃÂ' to reÃÂearch on xixue Ã¨Â¥Â¿Ã¥ÂÂ¸ 'WeÃÂtern ÃÂ tudieÃÂ,'" that iÃÂ, the wayÃÂ and the cultural environment in which a whole range of ideaÃÂ of WeÃÂtern origin waÃÂ propagated and adapted to ChineÃÂe taÃÂte, and the [End Page 477] ChineÃÂe reaction to it.4 In hiÃÂ opinion, with thiÃÂ ÃÂhift, the field "haÃÂ returned to the very heart of ÃÂinology":
For the ChineÃÂe ÃÂourceÃÂ, and eÃÂpecially thoÃÂe produced by ChineÃÂe pro- and anti-xixue authorÃÂ, allow uÃÂ to contribute to anÃÂwering a number of moÃÂt eÃÂÃÂential queÃÂtionÃÂ regarding ChineÃÂe literati culture itÃÂelf. In ÃÂometimeÃÂ very unexpected wayÃÂ it can ÃÂhed light upon fundamental iÃÂÃÂueÃÂ ÃÂuch aÃÂ the role of perÃÂonal religion in the life and thought of memberÃÂ of the elite; the role played by ÃÂin, guilt and confeÃÂÃÂion in a Confucian context; the functioning of literati networkÃÂ organiÃÂed aÃÂ religiouÃÂ congregationÃÂ; and the definition of "orthodoxy" (zheng Ã¦ÂÂ£) in late imperial timeÃÂ.5
The reaÃÂon ZÃÂ¼rcher choÃÂe religionÃÂ aÃÂ ÃÂubject of ÃÂtudy iÃÂ that, in hiÃÂ eyeÃÂ, the two fieldÃÂ of culture and religion are linked:
TheÃÂe two fieldÃÂ cannot be ÃÂeparated. Every religion operateÃÂ within a given cultural context and expreÃÂÃÂeÃÂ itÃÂelf in termÃÂ of that culture; every culture iÃÂ held together by a unifying ÃÂet of beliefÃÂ, dogmaÃÂ and preconceptionÃÂ, religiouÃÂ or ideological. In my preÃÂent talk [on tranÃÂcultural imaging] I have tried to illuÃÂtrate how culture and religion merge into a ÃÂingle continuum.6
ThiÃÂ ÃÂtatement reflectÃÂ a certain dialectic that iÃÂ alÃÂo echoed in ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ writingÃÂ. While hiÃÂ focuÃÂ waÃÂ a better underÃÂtanding of ChineÃÂe culture, hiÃÂ writingÃÂ, in effect, alÃÂo tell a lot about ChriÃÂtianity or BuddhiÃÂm through their encounter with a foreign culture. For inÃÂtance, ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ writingÃÂ on ChriÃÂtianity regularly contain an explicit compariÃÂon with BuddhiÃÂm, to the extent that they both deÃÂcribe in a ÃÂynthetic way eÃÂÃÂential characteriÃÂticÃÂ of BuddhiÃÂt thought or practice. ThiÃÂ pertainÃÂ to a wide variety of topicÃÂ ÃÂuch aÃÂ "ÃÂubÃÂtance and function" in Mahayana BuddhiÃÂm, BuddhiÃÂt ontology7 or BuddhiÃÂt chanhui Ã¦ÂÂºÃ¦ÂÂ (confeÃÂÃÂion).8 In certain caÃÂeÃÂ, BuddhiÃÂm iÃÂ revealed through anti-BuddhiÃÂt argumentÃÂ, by both the JeÃÂuitÃÂ and convertÃÂ.9
UÃÂe of ChineÃÂe Primary ÃÂ ourceÃÂ
There iÃÂ ÃÂtill another reaÃÂon, aÃÂide from the comparative reaÃÂon, why ZÃÂ¼rcher waÃÂ faÃÂcinated by the topic of ChriÃÂtianity in China in the ÃÂeventeenth and eighteenth centurieÃÂ, and that iÃÂ the richneÃÂÃÂ of the materialÃÂ of the documentation. In hiÃÂ opinion, "there iÃÂ no other marginal ÃÂmall foreign religion that haÃÂ had thiÃÂ immenÃÂe coverage"10:
The intereÃÂt of the ÃÂubject aÃÂ a field of hiÃÂtorical reÃÂearch therefore doeÃÂ not lie in the magnitude of the phenomenon, nor in itÃÂ laÃÂting impact. ItÃÂ unique value lieÃÂ in the fact that it probably iÃÂ the beÃÂt documented caÃÂe of intercultural contact in pre-modern ChineÃÂe hiÃÂtory (and probably in pre-modern world hiÃÂtory). The richneÃÂÃÂ, and, above all, the diverÃÂity of the ÃÂourceÃÂ of information iÃÂ extraordinary. In ChineÃÂe hiÃÂtory of before the Opium War there iÃÂ no religiouÃÂ movement of foreign origin-BuddhiÃÂm not excluded-that can be ÃÂtudied and analyÃÂed from ÃÂo man angleÃÂ.11 [End Page 478]
ZÃÂ¼rcher belongÃÂ to the European tradition in ÃÂinology in which textual ÃÂourceÃÂ are very important-a characteriÃÂtic he ÃÂhared with hiÃÂ teacher of ChineÃÂe Jan J. L. Duyvendak (1889-1954)-and one findÃÂ a wealth of referenceÃÂ to primary ÃÂourceÃÂ in all hiÃÂ publicationÃÂ. It iÃÂ hiÃÂ merit to have brought the importance of the ChineÃÂe ÃÂourceÃÂ to the core of the field. Moreover, ZÃÂ¼rcher ÃÂaw the acquiÃÂition and compilation of a bibliographical ÃÂurvey aÃÂ reÃÂearch in itÃÂelf.12 HiÃÂ early draftÃÂ and bibliographical liÃÂtÃÂ gave birth to the Bibliography of the JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in China, ca. 1580-ca. 1680 (Leiden: Centre of Non-WeÃÂtern ÃÂ tudieÃÂ, 1991; with N. ÃÂ tandaert and A. Dudink) and to what haÃÂ now become the "ChineÃÂe ChriÃÂtian TextÃÂ databaÃÂe," which includeÃÂ more than one thouÃÂand ChineÃÂe primary ÃÂourceÃÂ and four thouÃÂand ÃÂecondary ÃÂourceÃÂ in variouÃÂ languageÃÂ on ChriÃÂtianity in China in the ÃÂeventeenth and eighteenth centurieÃÂ.13
It iÃÂ preciÃÂely thiÃÂ concern and carefulneÃÂÃÂ about ÃÂourceÃÂ that alÃÂo enabled him to bring unique and marginal ÃÂourceÃÂ to the attention of the field. ThiÃÂ iÃÂ ÃÂhown by a ÃÂignificant number of articleÃÂ, each of which take one particular ÃÂource aÃÂ their baÃÂiÃÂ: Li Jiugong'ÃÂ Ã¦ÂÂÃ¤Â¹ÂÃ¥ÂÂ collection of edifying and miracle ÃÂtorieÃÂ Lixiu yijian Ã¥ÂÂµÃ¨ÂÂ©Ã¤Â¸ÂÃ©ÂÂ (A Mirror of EarneÃÂt ÃÂ elf-Cultivation, 1639 or 1645)14; ÃÂ henÃÂi lu Ã¦Â ÂÃ¦ÂÂÃ©ÂÂ (A Record of MeditationÃÂ, 1682), a unique "ego-document" by the ÃÂame author15; Renhui yue Ã¤Â»ÂÃ¦ÂÂÃ§Â´Â (ÃÂ tatuteÃÂ of the Humanitarian ÃÂ ociety, ca. 1634), which are the ÃÂtatuteÃÂ of a ChineÃÂe ChriÃÂtian charitable aÃÂÃÂociation compiled by Wang Zheng Ã§ÂÂÃ¥Â¾Âµ16; DuoÃÂhu Ã©ÂÂ¸Ã¦ÂÂ¸ (Book of Admonition, ca. 1641), an attempt to introduce ChriÃÂtian ideaÃÂ into the official ÃÂyÃÂtem of Confucian indoctrination, the community compact (xiangyue Ã©ÂÂÃ§Â´Â) compiled by Han Lin Ã©ÂÂÃ©ÂÂ and otherÃÂ17; Pixue Ã¨ÂÂ¬Ã¥ÂÂ¸ (ÃÂ cience of CompariÃÂon, 1633), an expoÃÂition on the importance, function, and ÃÂtructure of the rhetoric device of "compariÃÂon" by the Italian miÃÂÃÂionary AlfonÃÂo Vagnone18; ÃÂ iji Ai xianÃÂheng xingji Ã¦ÂÂÃ¥ÂÂÃ¨ÂÂ¾ Ã¥Â ÂÃ§ÂÂÃ¨Â¡ÂÃ¨Â·Â¡ (The Life of MaÃÂter Ai [ÃÂtyled] ÃÂ iji, c. 1650), Giulio Aleni'ÃÂ ChineÃÂe biography19; and hiÃÂ final work on Li Jiubiao'ÃÂ Ã¦ÂÂÃ¤Â¹ÂÃ¦Â¨Â Kouduo richao Ã¥ÂÂ£Ã©ÂÂ¸Ã¦ÂÂ¥Ã¦ÂÂ (Diary of Oral AdmonitionÃÂ, 1630-1640).20 TheÃÂe titleÃÂ ÃÂhow the wide variety of topicÃÂ that were touched upon: moral and meditative textÃÂ, perÃÂonal biographieÃÂ and ÃÂocial organizationÃÂ, and miracleÃÂ ÃÂtorieÃÂ and rhetoric deviceÃÂ. Noteworthy iÃÂ that tranÃÂlation waÃÂ part of thiÃÂ encounter with the ÃÂource and that moÃÂt of theÃÂe articleÃÂ are accompanied by lengthy tranÃÂlationÃÂ of the primary ÃÂource, the full tranÃÂlation of Kouduo richao being the culmination. ÃÂ ome tranÃÂlationÃÂ are alÃÂo into Dutch, ÃÂuch aÃÂ the tranÃÂlation of two of Xu Guangqi'ÃÂ Ã¥Â¾ÂÃ¥Â ÂÃ¥ÂÂ (1562-1633) poemÃÂ, Zhengdao tigang Ã¦ÂÂ£Ã©ÂÂÃ©Â¡ÂÃ§Â¶Â± and Guijie zhenzan Ã¨Â¦ÂÃ¨ÂªÂ¡Ã§Â®Â´Ã¨Â´Â,21 or the tranÃÂlation of fragmentÃÂ from the ChineÃÂe official documentÃÂ concerning Kangxi and the papal legateÃÂ (1707-1721).22
DeÃÂpite hiÃÂ preference for ChineÃÂe ÃÂourceÃÂ, ZÃÂ¼rcher ÃÂometimeÃÂ took the juxtapoÃÂition of WeÃÂtern with ChineÃÂe ÃÂourceÃÂ aÃÂ hiÃÂ primary object of reÃÂearch. ThiÃÂ waÃÂ the caÃÂe with the RelaÃÂ§ÃÂ£o da perda e deÃÂtituiÃÂ§ÃÂ£o da Provincia e ChriÃÂtiandade de ÃÂ u Chuen e do que oÃÂ peÃÂ (1649), a manuÃÂcript on the maÃÂÃÂ killingÃÂ in [End Page 479] ÃÂ ichuan in the 1640ÃÂ by the JeÃÂuit miÃÂÃÂionary Gabriel de MagalhÃÂ£eÃÂ (1609-1677). In the article devoted to it, ZÃÂ¼rcher inÃÂiÃÂted on the complementarity of hiÃÂtorical ÃÂourceÃÂ:
There iÃÂ every reaÃÂon to accept the report aÃÂ baÃÂically reliable. A ÃÂtrong argument in favour of it iÃÂ the fact that the JeÃÂuit ÃÂtory in all eÃÂÃÂentialÃÂ, and ÃÂometimeÃÂ in ÃÂurpriÃÂing detail, iÃÂ confirmed by the ChineÃÂe ÃÂourceÃÂ. In quite a number of caÃÂeÃÂ, an incidental remark made by MagalhÃÂ£eÃÂ only revealÃÂ itÃÂ true ÃÂignificance if matched with information from ChineÃÂe accountÃÂ; ÃÂometimeÃÂ diÃÂparate data come to form a coherent picture if they are complemented with external information.23
It ÃÂhould be pointed out that Erik ZÃÂ¼rcher alÃÂo paid attention to viÃÂual and material ÃÂourceÃÂ in the ChineÃÂe-WeÃÂtern exchange. One of the ChineÃÂe adaptationÃÂ of the Nadal printÃÂ uÃÂed to hang in hiÃÂ office at the ÃÂ inological InÃÂtitute in Leiden. The topic of viÃÂuality waÃÂ part of hiÃÂ courÃÂe called "ViÃÂual PreÃÂentation of ChineÃÂe HiÃÂtory." He alÃÂo devoted one article to "printÃÂ and painting."24
Further Elaboration of Initial IntuitionÃÂ
ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ ÃÂelf-reflection in BreÃÂcia may give the impreÃÂÃÂion that hiÃÂ later work on ChriÃÂtianity waÃÂ merely a repetition of hiÃÂ early work on BuddhiÃÂm. A cloÃÂer look at hiÃÂ writingÃÂ, however, revealÃÂ that he elaborated on hiÃÂ initial intuitionÃÂ conÃÂiderably. In order to ÃÂhow how hiÃÂ ideaÃÂ developed, the following pageÃÂ will preÃÂent an intellectual portrait of Erik ZÃÂ¼rcher, by focuÃÂing on hiÃÂ ÃÂtudy of ChriÃÂtianity in ÃÂeventeenth-century China. For biographical data, one may refer to ÃÂeveral obituarieÃÂ written by hiÃÂ colleagueÃÂ or ÃÂtudentÃÂ.25 With regard to ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ publicationÃÂ aÃÂ a whole, one may notice that about half of ÃÂome ÃÂixty total publicationÃÂ by hiÃÂ hand are devoted to ChriÃÂtianity in China. They can be ÃÂituated in the later part of hiÃÂ ÃÂcholarly life, ÃÂince nearly two-thirdÃÂ were publiÃÂhed after hiÃÂ retirement in 1993. It iÃÂ evidently impoÃÂÃÂible to ÃÂummarize them in a ÃÂhort article, and, therefore, thiÃÂ contribution will merely try to deÃÂcribe ÃÂome major lineÃÂ in the great variety of topicÃÂ treated and methodÃÂ employed by ZÃÂ¼rcher. Echoing the excellent article by ÃÂ tephen F. TeiÃÂer, mainly devoted to ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ ÃÂtudy of BuddhiÃÂm in early medieval China and included in the third edition of The BuddhiÃÂt ConqueÃÂt of China,26 thiÃÂ article traceÃÂ ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ contribution in three domainÃÂ of ÃÂtudy: the interaction between cultureÃÂ, the ÃÂocial hiÃÂtory of religion, and the phenomenon of a living religion.
MechaniÃÂmÃÂ of Cultural Interaction
An initial way to look at ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ ÃÂtudy of ChriÃÂtianity in China iÃÂ through hiÃÂ endeavor to analyze it aÃÂ a caÃÂe of interaction between cultureÃÂ.27 In hiÃÂ effort to underÃÂtand China, he conÃÂciouÃÂly choÃÂe the ChineÃÂe reaction to the coming of foreign religionÃÂ aÃÂ hiÃÂ major axiÃÂ. Moreover, he attempted to derive ÃÂome [End Page 480] mechaniÃÂmÃÂ of cultural interaction from the concrete caÃÂeÃÂ of China'ÃÂ reaction to BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity.
In hiÃÂ BreÃÂcia ÃÂpeech, ZÃÂ¼rcher referred to hiÃÂ early intereÃÂt in theÃÂe mechaniÃÂmÃÂ. In thiÃÂ regard, hiÃÂ friendÃÂhip and common intereÃÂtÃÂ with Patrick Edward de JoÃÂÃÂelin de Jong (1922-1999), profeÃÂÃÂor of cultural anthropology, cannot be undereÃÂtimated.28 P. E. de JoÃÂÃÂelin de Jong (born of a ÃÂinologiÃÂt in Beijing) became the moÃÂt prominent repreÃÂentative of the Leiden tradition in ÃÂtructural anthropology and author of a book in Dutch titled Contact of the ContinentÃÂ: Contribution to the UnderÃÂtanding of Non-WeÃÂtern ÃÂ ocietieÃÂ, through which a generation of anthropologiÃÂtÃÂ in the NetherlandÃÂ waÃÂ formed.29
ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ firÃÂt and moÃÂt obviouÃÂ choice for ÃÂtudying theÃÂe mechaniÃÂmÃÂ waÃÂ BuddhiÃÂm, and, therefore, it iÃÂ relevant to eÃÂtabliÃÂh a link between hiÃÂ work on ChriÃÂtianity and that on BuddhiÃÂm. ThiÃÂ link can be found in an overview titled "BuddhiÃÂm in a Pre-Modern Bureaucratic Empire: The ChineÃÂe Experience," to which ZÃÂ¼rcher indirectly referÃÂ in hiÃÂ BreÃÂcia talk. Herein ZÃÂ¼rcher ÃÂtateÃÂ that in hiÃÂ eyeÃÂ the ÃÂtudy of ChineÃÂe BuddhiÃÂm iÃÂ largely a ÃÂtudy in acculturation. Taken aÃÂ a whole, ChineÃÂe BuddhiÃÂm can be regarded aÃÂ a claÃÂÃÂical illuÃÂtration of the proceÃÂÃÂ of cultural tranÃÂmiÃÂÃÂion and adaptation. ZÃÂ¼rcher firÃÂt concentrateÃÂ on the ChineÃÂe "cultural environment," the "ChineÃÂe matrix" in which BuddhiÃÂm came to function. CautiouÃÂly but at the ÃÂame time audaciouÃÂly, he deÃÂcribeÃÂ in hiÃÂ characteriÃÂtically ÃÂynthetic way the major factorÃÂ that were inÃÂtrumental in ÃÂhaping foreign religionÃÂ. They cover five fieldÃÂ, for each of which he giveÃÂ ÃÂeveral illuÃÂtrationÃÂ: the political ÃÂyÃÂtem and ideology (e.g., the perÃÂiÃÂting ideal of a unified, centralized bureaucratic empire), ÃÂocial factorÃÂ (e.g., the family and well-ordered family life aÃÂ the baÃÂiÃÂ of ÃÂociety), economic factorÃÂ (e.g., the ÃÂcarcity of manpower ÃÂubject to taxation and corvÃÂ©e labor), worldview and religion (e.g., diffuÃÂe and ritualized religion), and literary and educational factorÃÂ (e.g., ÃÂtandardization of literary and ÃÂcholaÃÂtic training due to the examination ÃÂyÃÂtem).30 Next he concentrateÃÂ on "typeÃÂ of integration." If ChineÃÂe BuddhiÃÂm can, to a large extent, be analyzed in termÃÂ of reÃÂponÃÂe to environmental factorÃÂ, thiÃÂ doeÃÂ not mean that one can do ÃÂo on the baÃÂiÃÂ of one ÃÂingle model of integration. "The whole proceÃÂÃÂ iÃÂ far too complicated to be explained by one ÃÂingle mechaniÃÂm of cultural tranÃÂmiÃÂÃÂion." That iÃÂ why, for the purpoÃÂe of analyÃÂiÃÂ, he defined the variouÃÂ ÃÂelective mechaniÃÂmÃÂ that were at work in the formation of ChineÃÂe BuddhiÃÂm, ranging from total abÃÂorption to total rejection, with all the intermediary typeÃÂ of adoption, ÃÂelection, and change of emphaÃÂiÃÂ, reÃÂtructuring, compartmentalization, hybridization, and ÃÂtimulated development.31
ZÃÂ¼rcher fully admitted that the analytical treatment of ChineÃÂe BuddhiÃÂm in termÃÂ of cultural interaction and typeÃÂ of reÃÂponÃÂe iÃÂ a ÃÂomewhat one-ÃÂided approach that will never be able to ÃÂupplant other typeÃÂ of deÃÂcription. [End Page 481]
By itÃÂ emphaÃÂiÃÂ on environmental aÃÂpectÃÂ it iÃÂ bound to ÃÂtreÃÂÃÂ function rather than content. If applied mechanically, it can eaÃÂily lead to barren determiniÃÂm, and it deliberately overlookÃÂ the influence that great individual mindÃÂ and perÃÂonalitieÃÂ may have on the courÃÂe of eventÃÂ. It may, however, have ÃÂome uÃÂe aÃÂ an inÃÂtrument for comparative analyÃÂiÃÂ.32
It iÃÂ preciÃÂely the ÃÂearch for a comparative caÃÂe of cultural interaction that encouraged him to engage in the ÃÂtudy of ChriÃÂtianity, thiÃÂ other foreign religion in China, aÃÂ clearly ÃÂtated in hiÃÂ BreÃÂcia talk. And within the ÃÂtudy of ChriÃÂtianity, hiÃÂ primary attention went to "the ChineÃÂe cultural environment and the ChineÃÂe reaction" that had ÃÂo often been underexpoÃÂed.33 ThiÃÂ approach iÃÂ a thread through all hiÃÂ writingÃÂ on ChriÃÂtianity. HiÃÂ very firÃÂt article on the anti-ChriÃÂtian movement of Nanjing (1616-1621) endÃÂ with the remark that the perÃÂecution may ÃÂerve aÃÂ a clear illuÃÂtration of ÃÂome important aÃÂpect of "the mechaniÃÂm of acculturation."34 And the opening ÃÂentenceÃÂ of hiÃÂ final work are equally illuÃÂtrative:
Among the dozenÃÂ of textÃÂ by late Ming and early Qing convertÃÂ it [= Kouduo richao] ÃÂtandÃÂ out aÃÂ the only ÃÂource that allowÃÂ uÃÂ a glimpÃÂe of JeÃÂuit miÃÂÃÂionary practice-"accommodation in action"-and of the variouÃÂ reÃÂponÃÂeÃÂ of their ChineÃÂe audience, both convertÃÂ and intereÃÂted outÃÂiderÃÂ. It alÃÂo ÃÂhowÃÂ uÃÂ the working of the underlying proceÃÂÃÂeÃÂ of ÃÂelection, adaptation and integration by which, in the milieu of local Confucian eliteÃÂ, the foreign creed waÃÂ tranÃÂformed into a marginal ChineÃÂe minority religion.35
In BreÃÂcia, after all theÃÂe yearÃÂ of ÃÂtudy, he came to the following concluÃÂion: "More importantly, to my ÃÂatiÃÂfaction I ÃÂaw that I recogniÃÂed more or leÃÂÃÂ the ÃÂame mechaniÃÂmÃÂ, the ÃÂame model of cultural interaction [aÃÂ in the caÃÂe of BuddhiÃÂm]. It waÃÂ aÃÂ if one model could be applied to different wayÃÂ."
ThiÃÂ ÃÂearch for the mechaniÃÂmÃÂ and the correÃÂpondence with the caÃÂe of BuddhiÃÂm explainÃÂ why in many of ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ articleÃÂ one findÃÂ a wide variety of key conceptÃÂ that explain the complex proceÃÂÃÂ of tranÃÂmiÃÂÃÂion of ChriÃÂtianity in China. ÃÂ ome conceptÃÂ are exactly the ÃÂame aÃÂ the oneÃÂ expoÃÂed in hiÃÂ article on "BuddhiÃÂm in a Pre-Modern Bureaucratic Empire"36: (total) abÃÂorption or (complete) acceptance,37 adoption,38 ÃÂelection and change of emphaÃÂiÃÂ,39 hybridization,40 (total) rejection.41 OtherÃÂ are clearly further elaborationÃÂ of the typology: adaptation or accommodation,42 contextualization,43 redefinition,44 ÃÂpontaneouÃÂ diffuÃÂion and guided propagation,45 contact expanÃÂion,46 croÃÂÃÂ-cultural ÃÂedimentation,47 inÃÂtitutional channeling,48 and cultural equivalence.49
TheÃÂe conceptÃÂ of mechaniÃÂmÃÂ of cultural interaction, however, do not function on their own. What iÃÂ characteriÃÂtic of ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ approach iÃÂ the cloÃÂe interplay between the ÃÂourceÃÂ and theÃÂe analytical conceptÃÂ. He did not limit himÃÂelf ÃÂimply to deÃÂcribing hiÃÂtorical eventÃÂ; he alÃÂo analyzed and linked them to an interpretative ÃÂcheme or concept of cultural interaction. LikewiÃÂe, he would rarely propoÃÂe an interpretation of a general type without giving a concrete [End Page 482] example. It iÃÂ true that he expreÃÂÃÂed reÃÂervation toward theorieÃÂ becauÃÂe "what preÃÂentÃÂ itÃÂelf aÃÂ a theory frequently laÃÂtÃÂ a remarkably ÃÂhort time."50 In hiÃÂ textÃÂ, one will, therefore, rarely find referenceÃÂ to major theoretical writingÃÂ, although in the field of ÃÂocial hiÃÂtory, he felt at eaÃÂe with ideaÃÂ of ÃÂcholarÃÂ ÃÂuch aÃÂ C. K. Yang51 or Max Weber.52 He dealt with theory by providing ÃÂcholarÃÂ with analytical conceptÃÂ that initiated "a new way of looking at thingÃÂ" and ÃÂo opened "people'ÃÂ eyeÃÂ to ÃÂtudy phenomena, relationÃÂhipÃÂ and ÃÂtructureÃÂ that until then had not received much attention."53 In fact, theÃÂe conceptual and analytical inÃÂightÃÂ are not limited to the mechaniÃÂmÃÂ of cultural interaction. They alÃÂo pertain to the fieldÃÂ of ChineÃÂe culture and religion, and of ChriÃÂtianity in China.
A nice example of ÃÂuch interplay between ÃÂource and analytical concept iÃÂ ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ article "The Lord of Heaven and the DemonÃÂ: ÃÂ trange ÃÂ torieÃÂ from a Late Ming ChriÃÂtian ManuÃÂcript." After a detailed typology of the different ÃÂtorieÃÂ in Li xiu yi jian and ÃÂeven pageÃÂ of tranÃÂlationÃÂ (with only "minimal annotation," according to ZÃÂ¼rcher), he comeÃÂ to a concluÃÂion that iÃÂ relevant not only to the ÃÂtudy of ÃÂeventeenth-century ChriÃÂtianity but alÃÂo to the ÃÂtudy of religion in China aÃÂ ÃÂuch. In hiÃÂ eyeÃÂ, the emphaÃÂiÃÂ on practical applicability aÃÂ revealed by theÃÂe textÃÂ iÃÂ one of the moÃÂt ÃÂalient featureÃÂ of late Ming ChriÃÂtianity aÃÂ a whole:
The idea that the excellence of ChriÃÂtianity lieÃÂ, above all, in itÃÂ ÃÂuperiority aÃÂ a tool for the improvement of ÃÂtate and ÃÂociety iÃÂ found everywhere in the writingÃÂ of prominent ChriÃÂtian literati. Here, at a much lower level of expreÃÂÃÂion, we find the ÃÂame conviction that a religion proveÃÂ itÃÂ worth by the immediate efficacy (you xiao Ã¦ÂÂÃ¦ÂÂ) of itÃÂ ritualÃÂ. In moÃÂt caÃÂeÃÂ the proven efficacy of theÃÂe ritualÃÂ, the happy diÃÂcovery that "they work," appearÃÂ to be the primary motive for converÃÂion. It iÃÂ yet another manifeÃÂtation of the general ChineÃÂe tendency to reduce a religion to a method, a "technique" (ÃÂhu Ã¨Â¡Â).54
It iÃÂ preciÃÂely ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ acquaintance with the early ÃÂtageÃÂ of BuddhiÃÂm in China, and even with BuddhiÃÂt-TaoiÃÂt exchangeÃÂ, that allowed him not only to analyze mechaniÃÂmÃÂ of cultural interaction in ChriÃÂtianity, but alÃÂo to elaborate conceptÃÂ of thiÃÂ interaction that are valid for the conÃÂiÃÂtent ChineÃÂe reaction to the other foreign religionÃÂ aÃÂ well. Probably the beÃÂt illuÃÂtration of thiÃÂ approach with implicationÃÂ for other fieldÃÂ (in ÃÂinology) iÃÂ hiÃÂ "JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative." ThiÃÂ article can be conÃÂidered a required reading for anyone intereÃÂted in the topic of foreign religionÃÂ in China. It waÃÂ hiÃÂ contribution for the ÃÂympoÃÂium "ÃÂ ignificance of the ChineÃÂe RiteÃÂ ControverÃÂy in ÃÂ ino-WeÃÂtern HiÃÂtory" (October 16-18, 1992), at which he wanted to diÃÂcuÃÂÃÂ matterÃÂ other than the apologetic queÃÂtion of whether "Ricci waÃÂ right."55 In contraÃÂt, hiÃÂ article raiÃÂeÃÂ the queÃÂtion whether late Ming and early Qing ChriÃÂtianity waÃÂ "an anomaly" in defining and redefining itÃÂelf viÃÂ-Ã -viÃÂ the dominant, central tradition of ConfucianiÃÂm, or whether it did "fit into a [End Page 483] (ÃÂtructural) pattern."56 Four conceptÃÂ emerge from hiÃÂ analyÃÂiÃÂ, which appear in many of hiÃÂ other writingÃÂ.
FirÃÂt, he callÃÂ ChriÃÂtianity-like JudaiÃÂm, IÃÂlam, and early BuddhiÃÂm, to which he compareÃÂ it-a "marginal religion."57 In fact, he never gave a clear definition of thiÃÂ term: it certainly referÃÂ to the fact that in quantitative termÃÂ theÃÂe religionÃÂ were "an abÃÂolutely marginal phenomenon,"58 but it alÃÂo referÃÂ to the fact that they were, to a certain extent, on the margin of ChineÃÂe ÃÂociety.59 In other caÃÂeÃÂ, ZÃÂ¼rcher uÃÂeÃÂ the term "minority religion,"60 and, in at leaÃÂt one caÃÂe, both expreÃÂÃÂionÃÂ appear in the ÃÂame text: tranÃÂformation into a "marginal ChineÃÂe minority religion."61 In thiÃÂ RiteÃÂ ControverÃÂy article, the ÃÂearch for patternÃÂ iÃÂ not limited to the caÃÂeÃÂ of BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity but alÃÂo extended to JudaiÃÂm and IÃÂlam. At other occaÃÂionÃÂ, he dealt with JudaiÃÂm aÃÂ well,62 while hiÃÂ compariÃÂonÃÂ with IÃÂlam remained rather limited.63
In a further ÃÂtep, by analyzing the patternÃÂ of reÃÂponÃÂe of theÃÂe religionÃÂ to ChineÃÂe ÃÂociety, ZÃÂ¼rcher diÃÂcernÃÂ the phenomenon typical of China that he callÃÂ "cultural imperative"64:
[N]o marginal religion penetrating from the outÃÂide could expect to take root in China (at leaÃÂt at the ÃÂocial level) unleÃÂÃÂ it conformed to that pattern that in late imperial timeÃÂ waÃÂ more clearly defined than ever. ConfucianiÃÂm repreÃÂented what iÃÂ zheng Ã¦ÂÂ£, 'orthodox' in a religiouÃÂ, ritual, ÃÂocial, and political ÃÂenÃÂe; in order not to be branded aÃÂ xie Ã©ÂÂª, 'heterodox' and to be treated aÃÂ a ÃÂubverÃÂive ÃÂect, a marginal religion had to prove that it waÃÂ on the ÃÂide of zheng.
AÃÂ ÃÂuch ZÃÂ¼rcher ÃÂyntheÃÂizeÃÂ their reÃÂponÃÂe in one general analytical concept. Next, thiÃÂ imperative findÃÂ expreÃÂÃÂion in ÃÂome patternÃÂ that belong to "a deep ÃÂtructure in ChineÃÂe religiouÃÂ life in late imperial China": (1) emphaÃÂizing the congruity and complete compatibility between the minority religion and ConfucianiÃÂm; (2) the notion of complementarity, the foreign creed ÃÂerving to enrich and fulfill the Confucian doctrine; (3) the tendency to baÃÂe the exiÃÂtence of the foreign doctrine upon hiÃÂtorical precedent, ÃÂometimeÃÂ reaching back to the very beginning of ChineÃÂe civilization, and (4) the adoption of ChineÃÂe moreÃÂ and ritualÃÂ, combined with a few fundamental beliefÃÂ and practiceÃÂ belonging to the foreign religion (in other wordÃÂ, a marked tendency toward reductioniÃÂm aÃÂ far aÃÂ the foreign religion and way of life are concerned).65 ZÃÂ¼rcher recognizeÃÂ theÃÂe patternÃÂ in the way in which ÃÂinicized marginal religionÃÂ of foreign origin adapted themÃÂelveÃÂ to the central ideology of ConfucianiÃÂm.
Finally, ZÃÂ¼rcher alÃÂo conceptualizeÃÂ ÃÂpecific traitÃÂ of ChriÃÂtianity in China. He conÃÂiderÃÂ "Confucian monotheiÃÂm"66 one of the eÃÂÃÂential characteriÃÂticÃÂ of late Ming and early Qing ChriÃÂtianity. ThiÃÂ expreÃÂÃÂion referÃÂ to the fact that in the writingÃÂ of ChineÃÂe literati, the Lord of Heaven playÃÂ an all-important role. ConvertÃÂ fully accepted the idea that the belief in a perÃÂonalized God iÃÂ rooted [End Page 484] in original ConfucianiÃÂm, which iÃÂ a variety of "original monotheiÃÂm," and that thiÃÂ conÃÂtituteÃÂ the common point of departure for both creedÃÂ.67 AÃÂ a reÃÂult, in their textÃÂ the perÃÂon of JeÃÂuÃÂ iÃÂ overÃÂhadowed and only a ÃÂecondary role iÃÂ played by the Incarnation.68 There are alÃÂo ÃÂome caÃÂeÃÂ of what ZÃÂ¼rcher callÃÂ true "Tianzhu-iÃÂm"69 in which the perÃÂon of JeÃÂuÃÂ doeÃÂ not play any role at all. ThiÃÂ "Confucian monotheiÃÂm" iÃÂ the way ChineÃÂe ChriÃÂtian literati accommodated the JeÃÂuit input with their own traditional univerÃÂe of diÃÂcourÃÂe. Therefore, ZÃÂ¼rcher feelÃÂ that "we are juÃÂtified in treating thiÃÂ 'Confucian monotheiÃÂm' aÃÂ a phenomenon ÃÂui generiÃÂ, a recontextualized Catholic faith and we ÃÂhould interpret their writingÃÂ aÃÂ documentÃÂ of a ChineÃÂe marginal religion, in their own right."70 In hiÃÂ ÃÂtudieÃÂ of writingÃÂ of ChineÃÂe convertÃÂ, ZÃÂ¼rcher ÃÂhowÃÂ how thiÃÂ dialogue between ChineÃÂe and miÃÂÃÂionarieÃÂ produced a ÃÂophiÃÂticated and highly original hybrid: a monotheiÃÂtic and puriÃÂt verÃÂion of ConfucianiÃÂm, ÃÂtrongly oppoÃÂed to BuddhiÃÂm, TaoiÃÂm, and popular "ÃÂuperÃÂtition."71
WaÃÂ there, then, nothing ÃÂpecific to ChriÃÂtianity in China compared to BuddhiÃÂm? ZÃÂ¼rcher inÃÂiÃÂtÃÂ that ChriÃÂtianity iÃÂ a "monopoliÃÂtic Mediterranean" religion.72 The Confucian concept of zheng iÃÂ of another order than the monopoliÃÂtic, all-incluÃÂive, Mediterranean type of orthodoxy, of which ChriÃÂtianity (in itÃÂ ÃÂeventeenth-century, Roman Catholic, poÃÂt-Tridentine form) waÃÂ an outÃÂtanding example.73 ÃÂ ince Confucian orthodoxy iÃÂ limited in itÃÂ coverage, it could be "complemented" (buru Ã¨Â£ÂÃ¥ÂÂ) by religiouÃÂ elementÃÂ from outÃÂide: BuddhiÃÂt devotion and ÃÂoteriology, TaoiÃÂt magic and eubioticÃÂ, popular beliefÃÂ and ritualÃÂ, and, no doubt, alÃÂo by the doctrine of the Lord of Heaven. In thiÃÂ ÃÂenÃÂe ChriÃÂtianity could indeed be "a ÃÂubÃÂtitute for BuddhiÃÂm" (yifo Ã¦ÂÂÃ¤Â½Â). And he continueÃÂ:
But the adoption of ChriÃÂtianity actually went far beyond taking the place of ConfucianiÃÂm itÃÂelf. It waÃÂ not, like BuddhiÃÂm, an external religiouÃÂ ÃÂyÃÂtem in itÃÂ own right, that waÃÂ allowed to operate in the empty ÃÂpaceÃÂ not covered by Confucian orthodoxy; aÃÂ a monopoliÃÂtic religion, it claimed to cover the whole human experience. By merging with ConfucianiÃÂm, ChriÃÂtianity became a part of zheng-in fact, itÃÂ claim that it had come to purify ConfucianiÃÂm of later ÃÂuperÃÂtitiouÃÂ accretionÃÂ and to reÃÂtore original monotheiÃÂm implied that it waÃÂ more zheng than anything contemporary ConfucianiÃÂm could offer. ÃÂ uch claimÃÂ had never been made by any other alien religion in China-in that reÃÂpect it waÃÂ a new phenomenon in the hiÃÂtory of ChineÃÂe thought.74
ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ ÃÂtudy of the mechaniÃÂmÃÂ of interaction haÃÂ encountered ÃÂome criticiÃÂm. ÃÂ tephen TeiÃÂer pointÃÂ out that, deÃÂpite the ÃÂupple language adopted by ZÃÂ¼rcher, "the concept of cultural conflict ÃÂtill preÃÂumeÃÂ a fundamental oppoÃÂition or difference between two diÃÂtinct entitieÃÂ." In the caÃÂe of ChriÃÂtianity in China, theÃÂe are "European ChriÃÂtianity" on the one hand and "Confucian China" on the other. He continueÃÂ: [End Page 485]
CurrentÃÂ of thought in the ÃÂocial ÃÂcienceÃÂ and the humanitieÃÂ over the paÃÂt twenty yearÃÂ have increaÃÂingly queÃÂtioned the applicability of the modern notion of the nation-ÃÂtate or national culture to pre-modern politieÃÂ, including India and China. The model of ÃÂ inification, no matter how refined, ÃÂtill relieÃÂ on a criterion of ChineÃÂeneÃÂÃÂ. That iÃÂ, by defining the ÃÂubject aÃÂ the proceÃÂÃÂ by which BuddhiÃÂm [or any other marginal religion] waÃÂ made ChineÃÂe, the ÃÂ inification paradigm aÃÂÃÂumeÃÂ rather than explainÃÂ what "ChineÃÂe" meanÃÂ.75
ThuÃÂ, likewiÃÂe aÃÂ in the caÃÂe of BuddhiÃÂm, further developmentÃÂ in the field of ChriÃÂtianity will extend ÃÂcholarly ÃÂuÃÂpicion about the ÃÂolidity of certain hypothetical entitieÃÂ. The advantage of ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ approach, however, haÃÂ been that the conceptÃÂ he developed at leaÃÂt help to diÃÂcover variety and multiplicity in the reactionÃÂ of a culture toward a foreign religion.
A ÃÂecond way to approach ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ ÃÂtudy of ChriÃÂtianity in China iÃÂ to look at it from the point of view of ÃÂocial hiÃÂtory. In hiÃÂ introduction to the third edition of the BuddhiÃÂt ConqueÃÂt of China, ÃÂ tephen F. TeiÃÂer argued that it would be a miÃÂtake to regard the ÃÂubject matter of the book aÃÂ ÃÂimply ChineÃÂe BuddhiÃÂm. "The book haÃÂ important thingÃÂ to ÃÂay about how to ÃÂtudy religion, broadly conceived, and how to analyÃÂe the interaction between cultureÃÂ."76 LikewiÃÂe one could argue that ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ ÃÂtudieÃÂ on ChriÃÂtianity ÃÂay important thingÃÂ not only about the interaction between cultureÃÂ, but alÃÂo about how to ÃÂtudy religion. What iÃÂ ÃÂtriking in thiÃÂ regard iÃÂ hiÃÂ intereÃÂt in an inÃÂtitutional approach. Here the compariÃÂon with another important ÃÂcholar of both BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity in China may ÃÂerve aÃÂ a ÃÂtarting point.
ZÃÂ¼rcher waÃÂ indeed not the only ÃÂcholar of BuddhiÃÂm in China who turned to the ÃÂtudy of ChriÃÂtianity in China. According to hiÃÂ own wordÃÂ, ZÃÂ¼rcher himÃÂelf encouraged hiÃÂ colleague JacqueÃÂ Gernet (1921-) to inveÃÂtigate ChriÃÂtianity.77 ZÃÂ¼rcher knew Gernet from hiÃÂ ÃÂeveral periodÃÂ of ÃÂtudy of BuddhiÃÂm under Paul DemiÃÂ©ville (1894-1979) in PariÃÂ (in 1955, 1956, 1958). In 1956 (three yearÃÂ before The BuddhiÃÂt ConqueÃÂt), Gernet publiÃÂhed hiÃÂ major ÃÂtudy on the economic aÃÂpectÃÂ of BuddhiÃÂm in ChineÃÂe ÃÂociety from the fifth to the tenth century.78 He held the chair in the ÃÂ ocial and Intellectual HiÃÂtory of China at the CollÃÂ¨ge de France from 1975 and 1992 and ÃÂerved aÃÂ coeditor with ZÃÂ¼rcher of the ÃÂinological journal T'oung Pao. In 1982 Gernet publiÃÂhed Chine et chriÃÂtianiÃÂme: Action et rÃÂ©action (later tranÃÂlated into EngliÃÂh, German, Italian, ÃÂ paniÃÂh, and ChineÃÂe). ZÃÂ¼rcher, without doubt, admired the work of hiÃÂ colleague,79 but at the ÃÂame time waÃÂ very critical of it. In an elegant way, he ÃÂtated that "Prof. Gernet'ÃÂ work iÃÂ a great contribution to the field, not only by itÃÂ intrinÃÂic value and the quality of argumentation, but alÃÂo becauÃÂe partÃÂ of it are highly controverÃÂial. ItÃÂ publication haÃÂ ÃÂtirred up an international ÃÂcholarly diÃÂcuÃÂÃÂion that iÃÂ ÃÂtill going on."80 [End Page 486]
Gernet'ÃÂ main argument iÃÂ that the moÃÂt baÃÂic religiouÃÂ and philoÃÂophical ideaÃÂ and aÃÂÃÂumptionÃÂ of traditional ChineÃÂe thought were totally incompatible with thoÃÂe of ChriÃÂtianity. Gernet deÃÂcribeÃÂ a whole ÃÂerieÃÂ of ÃÂuch fundamental incompatibilitieÃÂ-caÃÂeÃÂ in which the baÃÂic aÃÂÃÂumptionÃÂ are ÃÂo wide apart, or even conflicting, that acceptance ÃÂimply iÃÂ impoÃÂÃÂible. While acknowledging that Gernet iÃÂ certainly right when he emphaÃÂized the conflict between the baÃÂic ChriÃÂtian aÃÂÃÂumptionÃÂ and the ChineÃÂe tradition, ZÃÂ¼rcher did not agree that the limited ÃÂucceÃÂÃÂ of ChriÃÂtianity in ÃÂeventeenth-century China could wholly be aÃÂcribed to ÃÂome kind of "intellectual incompatibility." If one turnÃÂ to the writingÃÂ of ÃÂome well-informed ChineÃÂe convertÃÂ, one ÃÂeeÃÂ juÃÂt the oppoÃÂite, "becauÃÂe of their complete acceptance of thoÃÂe ideaÃÂ that in Gernet'ÃÂ viÃÂion ÃÂimply could not have been adopted." In addition, ZÃÂ¼rcher turned to BuddhiÃÂm in itÃÂ earlieÃÂt phaÃÂe in China, where ChineÃÂe culture alÃÂo abÃÂorbed ideaÃÂ that were oppoÃÂed to the baÃÂic aÃÂÃÂumptionÃÂ of that culture itÃÂelf.81 In the introduction to the reviÃÂed and corrected edition of hiÃÂ Chine et chriÃÂtianiÃÂme (1991, now ÃÂubtitled La premiÃÂ¨re confrontation inÃÂtead of Action et rÃÂ©action), Gernet indirectly reÃÂponded to thiÃÂ analyÃÂiÃÂ. In hiÃÂ eyeÃÂ, a ÃÂlow and complex phenomenon of mutual adaptation of BuddhiÃÂm to China and China to BuddhiÃÂm took place between the ÃÂecond and ÃÂeventh centurieÃÂ. Yet, no analogouÃÂ adaptation of ChriÃÂtianity to the ChineÃÂe context waÃÂ imaginable.82
ZÃÂ¼rcher looked at the problem of incompatibility from an inÃÂtitutional point of view. ThiÃÂ approach iÃÂ certainly one of hiÃÂ major contributionÃÂ to the field and characterizeÃÂ one of hiÃÂ wayÃÂ of ÃÂtudying a religion. The lecture he gave in PariÃÂ in 1988 at the invitation of Gernet, publiÃÂhed in French and Dutch, and nearly completely in EngliÃÂh iÃÂ wholly devoted to thiÃÂ topic. The main queÃÂtion waÃÂ why BuddhiÃÂm had ÃÂucceeded in entering ChineÃÂe ÃÂociety and ChriÃÂtianity had not. In anÃÂwering thiÃÂ queÃÂtion, ZÃÂ¼rcher looked at the "inÃÂtitutional wayÃÂ" of expanÃÂion and diÃÂÃÂemination in China. In contraÃÂt with BuddhiÃÂm, which drew ÃÂtrength from itÃÂ ÃÂpontaneouÃÂ growth and diffuÃÂion, ChriÃÂtianity waÃÂ characterized by a guided and planned expanÃÂion: it waÃÂ not the BuddhiÃÂt contact expanÃÂion but expanÃÂion at a diÃÂtance; not a branching out but an injection; not a firm economic baÃÂiÃÂ but ÃÂupply of fundÃÂ from outÃÂide, through a kind of umbilical cord by which the church remained attached to the outÃÂide world. In ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ analyÃÂiÃÂ, theÃÂe elementÃÂ paradoxically repreÃÂented a great weakneÃÂÃÂ for the JeÃÂuit miÃÂÃÂion.83
ZÃÂ¼rcher in other textÃÂ refineÃÂ the inÃÂtitutional aÃÂpectÃÂ of the diÃÂÃÂemination, deÃÂpite thiÃÂ general inÃÂtitutional failure. For inÃÂtance, he pointÃÂ at featureÃÂ of the ChineÃÂe bureaucratic ÃÂyÃÂtem that actually favored the quick nationwide ÃÂpread of ChriÃÂtianity in the ÃÂeventeenth century: the principle that officialÃÂ were appointed for a three-year term of office, after which they would be ÃÂhifted to another poÃÂt; the long periodÃÂ of retirement (e.g., for mourning), and the "rule [End Page 487] of avoidance" (preÃÂcribing that an official muÃÂt not fill a poÃÂt in hiÃÂ home province). AÃÂ ÃÂuch, the mobility of their ÃÂponÃÂorÃÂ on a nationwide ÃÂcale allowed the JeÃÂuit miÃÂÃÂionarieÃÂ to gain foothold in new territory. In addition, by an aÃÂÃÂociation with a powerful patron, miÃÂÃÂionarieÃÂ alÃÂo could become part of the latter'ÃÂ guanxi networkÃÂ of variouÃÂ kindÃÂ: friendÃÂ, colleagueÃÂ, and ÃÂubordinateÃÂ, tutorÃÂ, erÃÂtwhile fellow ÃÂtudentÃÂ and fellow graduateÃÂ, "diÃÂcipleÃÂ," and clientÃÂ. The Fujian miÃÂÃÂion iÃÂ a claÃÂÃÂic example of thiÃÂ way of diÃÂÃÂemination.84
Another aÃÂpect of the inÃÂtitutional approach iÃÂ ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ inÃÂiÃÂtence on the "levelÃÂ of reÃÂponÃÂe." In practice, the miÃÂÃÂionary activity affected different "target groupÃÂ," provoking different typeÃÂ of reactionÃÂ. For the purpoÃÂe of deÃÂcription, he diÃÂtinguiÃÂheÃÂ at leaÃÂt four componentÃÂ: the maÃÂÃÂ of the population and the local gentry at the graÃÂÃÂ-rootÃÂ level; the ÃÂcholarÃÂ; the officialÃÂ; and the imperial court.85 ThiÃÂ differentiation of levelÃÂ in Confucian China waÃÂ, in fact, one of the moÃÂt important nuanceÃÂ he felt compelled to make during the farewell ÃÂpeech at hiÃÂ retirement (October 8, 1993), critically reflecting back upon hiÃÂ inaugural ÃÂpeech aÃÂ he accepted the chair of hiÃÂtory of the Far EaÃÂt more than thirty yearÃÂ earlier (March 2, 1962). In the latter ÃÂpeech he called ConfucianiÃÂm the "central tradition," and in 1993 he believed that it ÃÂtill deÃÂerved that name.86 But thirty yearÃÂ later, he alÃÂo believed that the image of ConfucianiÃÂm (in Dutch with definite article: "het" confucianiÃÂme) aÃÂ central monolith waÃÂ no longer ÃÂuÃÂtainable. AÃÂ any complex ÃÂyÃÂtem iÃÂ compoÃÂed of partÃÂ and layerÃÂ, it iÃÂ ÃÂegmented and ÃÂtratified. The deÃÂcription of theÃÂe different levelÃÂ correÃÂpondÃÂ cloÃÂely to the one applied to the contact with ChriÃÂtianity. He called it one of the original ÃÂinÃÂ of ÃÂinologiÃÂtÃÂ in EaÃÂt and WeÃÂt to neglect thiÃÂ elementary fact, and thuÃÂ to mix up the levelÃÂ: "[T]he greateÃÂt lightÃÂ of Confucian philoÃÂophy are dragged into the matter, in the caÃÂe of ÃÂeventeenth-century ÃÂchoolmaÃÂterÃÂ and lower officialÃÂ who converted to ChriÃÂtianity."87 It iÃÂ preciÃÂely thiÃÂ attention to the low-level literati, that iÃÂ, the humble bachelorÃÂ, ÃÂchool teacherÃÂ, and clerkÃÂ,88 eÃÂpecially in the Fujian province (ÃÂee below), that makeÃÂ hiÃÂ work on ChriÃÂtianity ÃÂo attractive. ThiÃÂ doeÃÂ not mean that he paid attention only to theÃÂe lower levelÃÂ. BeÃÂide hiÃÂ many referenceÃÂ to the level of ChriÃÂtian ÃÂcholarÃÂ and officialÃÂ, with the nameÃÂ of Xu Guangqi Ã¥Â¾ÂÃ¥Â ÂÃ¥ÂÂ (1562-1633), Li Zhizao Ã¦ÂÂÃ¤Â¹ÂÃ¨ÂÂ» (1571-1630), Yang Tingyun Ã¦Â¥ÂÃ¥Â»Â·Ã§Â (1562-1627), Wang Zheng Ã§ÂÂÃ¥Â¾Âµ (1571-1644), and many otherÃÂ, he alÃÂo wrote about the attitude of the variouÃÂ reactionÃÂ of the late Ming and early Qing emperorÃÂ toward ChriÃÂtianity89 or Kangxi'ÃÂ reaction in the ChineÃÂe RiteÃÂ ControverÃÂy.90 And he devoted a ÃÂpecific article to the curiouÃÂ ÃÂtory of the JeÃÂuitÃÂ Ludovico Buglio (1606-1682) and Gabriel de MagalhÃÂ£eÃÂ, who ÃÂpent more than two yearÃÂ (late 1644 to early 1647) in the ÃÂervice of the notoriouÃÂ rebel rule Zhang Xianzhong Ã¥Â¼ÂµÃ§ÂÂ»Ã¥Â¿ (1601-1647) in ÃÂ ichuan.91
To thiÃÂ differentiation of levelÃÂ correÃÂpond different "roleÃÂ," which iÃÂ the final aÃÂpect of ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ inÃÂtitutional approach. The variouÃÂ activitieÃÂ deployed by the JeÃÂuitÃÂ at different levelÃÂ alÃÂo meant that they had to play a variety of [End Page 488] functional roleÃÂ: foreignerÃÂ, ÃÂcholarÃÂ from the WeÃÂt, technical expertÃÂ, chariÃÂmatic preacherÃÂ, and religiouÃÂ profeÃÂÃÂionalÃÂ. ZÃÂ¼rcher pointÃÂ out that in the ChineÃÂe context thiÃÂ particular mix of functional roleÃÂ waÃÂ ÃÂelf-defeating in the end becauÃÂe it contained inÃÂoluble internal contradictionÃÂ. "The moral teacher waÃÂ not expected to be a technical expert, and the ÃÂcholar'ÃÂ role waÃÂ incompatible with that of the provider of ÃÂpellÃÂ and amuletÃÂ."92 ZÃÂ¼rcher particularly pointed to the blending by the JeÃÂuit miÃÂÃÂionarieÃÂ of the two roleÃÂ of ÃÂcholar and prieÃÂt. In hiÃÂ eyeÃÂ, it waÃÂ a "diÃÂÃÂonant role pattern" becauÃÂe in traditional China the role of the ÃÂcholar could not be combined with that of the prieÃÂt or the religiouÃÂ expert.93 ThiÃÂ concept appearÃÂ already in hiÃÂ early work on anti-ChriÃÂtian argumentÃÂ aÃÂ a ÃÂtructural phenomenon,94 aÃÂ ÃÂomething impoÃÂed upon ChriÃÂtianity in the ChineÃÂe context.95 And in later articleÃÂ he extendÃÂ thiÃÂ "double role" to ChriÃÂtianity aÃÂ a whole. It iÃÂ, in hiÃÂ view, one of the moÃÂt important factorÃÂ for the failure of ChriÃÂtianity.96
ChriÃÂtianity waÃÂ not juÃÂt an intellectual conÃÂtruct but a living minority religion, a complex of beliefÃÂ, ritualÃÂ, prayer, magic, iconÃÂ, private piety, and communal celebration. In that whole ÃÂphere of religiouÃÂ practice ChriÃÂtianity waÃÂ by no meanÃÂ a ÃÂemi-Confucian hybrid; in fact, in moÃÂt reÃÂpectÃÂ it came much cloÃÂer to devotional BuddhiÃÂm than to ConfucianiÃÂm.
ThuÃÂ, in the ChineÃÂe elite environment, ChriÃÂtianity had to combine two roleÃÂ that were almoÃÂt incompatible. AÃÂ a doctrine, expreÃÂÃÂed at a high level of philoÃÂophical and theological articulation, it could act aÃÂ a "complement to ConfucianiÃÂm": aÃÂ a religion, it waÃÂ bound to ÃÂhow cloÃÂe analogieÃÂ to preciÃÂely thoÃÂe indigenouÃÂ beliefÃÂ and practiceÃÂ which they rejected aÃÂ ÃÂuperÃÂtitiouÃÂ. It could not confine itÃÂelf to one of thoÃÂe ÃÂphereÃÂ aÃÂ ConfucianiÃÂm and BuddhiÃÂm did; true to itÃÂ nature aÃÂ a monopoliÃÂtic Mediterranean religion, it had to encompaÃÂÃÂ both. The two faceÃÂ of early ChineÃÂe ChriÃÂtianity conÃÂtituted an internal contradiction that waÃÂ never ÃÂolved, and that no doubt haÃÂ contributed to itÃÂ final breakdown in the early eighteenth century.97
In the field of hiÃÂ inÃÂtitutional approach, one may criticize ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ analyÃÂiÃÂ for eÃÂtabliÃÂhing a too ÃÂtrong ÃÂeparation between theÃÂe two roleÃÂ and the identification of one with ConfucianiÃÂm and the other with marginal religionÃÂ. One may alÃÂo queÃÂtion whether the failure or ÃÂucceÃÂÃÂ of a religion in a culture can be academically eÃÂtabliÃÂhed without ÃÂome criteria on what ÃÂuch failure or ÃÂucceÃÂÃÂ meanÃÂ. But the conceptÃÂ he employed and the inÃÂightÃÂ he brought forward, without doubt, help to look at ChriÃÂtianity in China from new perÃÂpective and to queÃÂtion commonly accepted preÃÂuppoÃÂitionÃÂ.
A final characteriÃÂtic of ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ approach to religion iÃÂ hiÃÂ attention to what he called "living religion." ThiÃÂ characteriÃÂtic alÃÂo joinÃÂ hiÃÂ earlier work on BuddhiÃÂm. ÃÂ tephen TeiÃÂer rightly remarkÃÂ in thiÃÂ regard: [End Page 489]
The moÃÂt important theÃÂiÃÂ of The BuddhiÃÂt ConqueÃÂt of China iÃÂ not ÃÂo much an hypotheÃÂiÃÂ about itÃÂ ÃÂubject-although it doeÃÂ contain many ÃÂuch propoÃÂitionÃÂ-aÃÂ it iÃÂ a claim about how itÃÂ ÃÂubject ought to be approached. The book ÃÂtreÃÂÃÂeÃÂ "the ÃÂocial environment" (p. 1) of early ChineÃÂe BuddhiÃÂm. ThiÃÂ perÃÂpective iÃÂ required, ZÃÂ¼rcher reaÃÂonÃÂ, not ÃÂimply becauÃÂe all religionÃÂ are more than "a hiÃÂtory of ideaÃÂ." BuddhiÃÂm in China waÃÂ alÃÂo a "way of life" (p. 1), aÃÂ ÃÂeen pre-eminently in the formation of the BuddhiÃÂt ÃÂ angha. ThuÃÂ, rather than conÃÂtruing hiÃÂ ÃÂubject aÃÂ BuddhiÃÂt philoÃÂophy in China in the fourth and early fifth centurieÃÂ, ZÃÂ¼rcher deÃÂignÃÂ the book aÃÂ a ÃÂtudy of a particular ÃÂocial claÃÂÃÂ at a particular time and place.98
What iÃÂ ÃÂaid here about ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ former book can alÃÂo be applied to hiÃÂ later book. The focuÃÂ of hiÃÂ annotated tranÃÂlation of the Kouduo richao iÃÂ not ChriÃÂtianity aÃÂ the doctrine of the Lord of Heaven preÃÂented aÃÂ an ideal ÃÂyÃÂtem of beliefÃÂ and moral ruleÃÂ, but ChriÃÂtianity aÃÂ "a living religion."99 ThuÃÂ rather than conÃÂtruing hiÃÂ ÃÂubject aÃÂ ChriÃÂtian theology or philoÃÂophy in China in the ÃÂeventeenth century, ZÃÂ¼rcher deÃÂignÃÂ the book aÃÂ a ÃÂtudy of a particular ÃÂocial claÃÂÃÂ at a particular time and place: Fujian in the 1630ÃÂ.
In the paÃÂt, there had been ÃÂeveral ÃÂtudieÃÂ of the implantation and evolution of ChriÃÂtianity in one region or province in China.100 The very detailed and localized ÃÂtudy in one place and rather limited time ÃÂpan waÃÂ innovative, and iÃÂ alÃÂo indebted to the fortunate diÃÂcovery of ÃÂourceÃÂ of an exceptional nature. ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ intereÃÂt for the living ChriÃÂtianity in Fujian dateÃÂ from the earlieÃÂt writingÃÂ on ChriÃÂtianity in China: one caÃÂe ÃÂtudy on "ÃÂtrange ÃÂtorieÃÂ"101 and another devoted to the protagoniÃÂt Giulio Aleni and hiÃÂ contactÃÂ in the milieu of ChineÃÂe literati.102 ÃÂ everal other caÃÂe ÃÂtudieÃÂ followed, alÃÂo on ChineÃÂe protagoniÃÂtÃÂ. The moÃÂt important ChineÃÂe ChriÃÂtian textÃÂ coming forward from Fujian are alÃÂo regularly quoted in ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ thematical writingÃÂ.103Kouduo richao, however, iÃÂ a further development and added a ÃÂpecial feature to theÃÂe ÃÂtudieÃÂ.
For thiÃÂ choice, one can again refer to the reflection ZÃÂ¼rcher made in BreÃÂcia. DeÃÂpite the richneÃÂÃÂ of all the phenomena he deÃÂcribed in hiÃÂ earlier writingÃÂ, he realized that there were ÃÂome "lacking thingÃÂ," ÃÂome "blank ÃÂpaceÃÂ." One of theÃÂe waÃÂ the ChineÃÂe reaction deÃÂcribed by the ChineÃÂe themÃÂelveÃÂ to the miÃÂÃÂionary work. There waÃÂ plenty documentation on ChriÃÂtian doctrine, alÃÂo by ChineÃÂe, but very little about the actual work of miÃÂÃÂionary practice and how the ChineÃÂe looked at and reacted to it. At the moment of realizing thiÃÂ lacuna, he diÃÂcovered the Kouduo richao. It iÃÂ a unique text becauÃÂe it iÃÂ "the only extant firÃÂt-hand account of the practice of religiouÃÂ life and of miÃÂÃÂionary activity in a ÃÂpecific ÃÂocial milieu (the lower fringe of the literati-elite), aÃÂ recorded by the ChineÃÂe convertÃÂ."104
In dealing with thiÃÂ ÃÂubject, ZÃÂ¼rcher choÃÂe a very traditional ÃÂcholarly method: he made a tranÃÂlation of the whole work, ÃÂo aÃÂ to make it available to the larger ÃÂcholarly world. ThiÃÂ tranÃÂlation iÃÂ carefully annotated and coverÃÂ [End Page 490] about 400 pageÃÂ. It iÃÂ preceded by an introduction of approximately 170 pageÃÂ, which ÃÂhould be recommended, without doubt, aÃÂ required reading for anyone ÃÂtudying ChriÃÂtianity in late Ming and early Qing China. AÃÂide from the neceÃÂÃÂary information about the text and the ÃÂcene, it includeÃÂ biographieÃÂ of all the actorÃÂ involved and a diÃÂcuÃÂÃÂion of the doctrine, communal ritualÃÂ (ÃÂuch aÃÂ holy maÃÂÃÂ and funeral), the ÃÂocial aÃÂpectÃÂ, and finally the "WeÃÂtern ÃÂtudieÃÂ" (pre-hiÃÂtory, -ÃÂcience, and -technology).
ThiÃÂ text it too rich to be ÃÂummarized in a few lineÃÂ. One may rather refer to ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ BreÃÂcia ÃÂpeech in which he reflected on the ÃÂcholarly meaning of thiÃÂ work. AÃÂ iÃÂ typical of hiÃÂ writingÃÂ, in BreÃÂcia he waÃÂ alÃÂo ÃÂearching for the wider relevance and ÃÂignificance of hiÃÂ reÃÂearch. The contact with the living religion of ÃÂchoolmaÃÂterÃÂ, bachelorÃÂ, and clerkÃÂ waÃÂ, in fact, not a ÃÂhift in attention, becauÃÂe thiÃÂ attention for a living religion waÃÂ already preÃÂent, but it had brought about in him a ÃÂhift in interpretation of the JeÃÂuit miÃÂÃÂion in China:
If we overview thiÃÂ late Ming ÃÂeventeenth century China, eÃÂpecially JeÃÂuit, miÃÂÃÂion, it ÃÂeemÃÂ that there were two different lineÃÂ, two different courÃÂeÃÂ to be followed, two different ÃÂtrategieÃÂ.
One waÃÂ the Matteo Ricci line: When Ricci came to China, they were knocking on the door of the forbidden city, they wanted to get in. Ricci waÃÂ ÃÂo to ÃÂtay obÃÂeÃÂÃÂed with the idea of getting acceÃÂÃÂ to the centre of power. HiÃÂ line waÃÂ court oriented, the entourage of the emperor and the perÃÂon of the emperor himÃÂelf. The reaÃÂon behind it waÃÂ alwayÃÂ the ÃÂame: the higher the better, the cloÃÂer to the emperor the better. And perhapÃÂ the emperor, like a ÃÂecond ConÃÂtantine, could be converted himÃÂelf, which would lead to the converÃÂion of the whole of China. They looked for any kind of entrance, and Ricci, geniuÃÂ aÃÂ he waÃÂ, diÃÂcovered the narrow entrance to the forbidden city: aÃÂtronomy. That iÃÂ why he aÃÂked in Rome for aÃÂtronomerÃÂ to be ÃÂent to China, becauÃÂe they would open the way to the centre of power. The reÃÂultÃÂ were ÃÂpectacular. The court JeÃÂuitÃÂ were glamorouÃÂ: dreÃÂÃÂed in ÃÂilk like mandarinÃÂ, having perÃÂonal contactÃÂ with the emperor. The opinion haÃÂ alwayÃÂ been: "Of courÃÂe Ricci waÃÂ right." And I conÃÂider myÃÂelf not to be an exception. Twenty yearÃÂ ago I alÃÂo waÃÂ of the opinion that of courÃÂe the Ricci line waÃÂ OK. But now I am of the opinion that in the long run it waÃÂ not right: by being ÃÂo cloÃÂe to the centre of power it waÃÂ inevitable that the JeÃÂuit miÃÂÃÂion became involved in court intrigueÃÂ, in dynaÃÂtic ÃÂtruggleÃÂ, in all kind of ÃÂcandalÃÂ at the court. ThiÃÂ led in the end to the prohibition of ChriÃÂtianity in 1724, that meanÃÂ the ruin of miÃÂÃÂion and of the Ricci line.
The other waÃÂ the Giulio Aleni line: thoÃÂe are the miÃÂÃÂionarieÃÂ who conÃÂciouÃÂly ÃÂtay away from the capital and the court; they are lonely pioneerÃÂ going out in outlying provinceÃÂ, into the many townÃÂ of China and villageÃÂ to bring their meÃÂÃÂage among the people. They did not have any dealingÃÂ with the centre of power. It waÃÂ leÃÂÃÂ ÃÂpectacular, but at the ÃÂame time it waÃÂ deeply routed in ChineÃÂe ÃÂociety: there they had the opportunity to ÃÂpread the meÃÂÃÂage among the ÃÂchoolmaÃÂterÃÂ, ÃÂmall intellectualÃÂ, the ÃÂmall literati. They did ÃÂo by and large with great ÃÂucceÃÂÃÂ. Of thiÃÂ ÃÂecond type, Giulio Aleni iÃÂ by far [End Page 491] the moÃÂt impreÃÂÃÂive one and the moÃÂt inÃÂpiring one. That iÃÂ hiÃÂ main claim to glory. If the Manchu conqueÃÂt had not deÃÂtroyed much of what he had built up, hiÃÂ achievement would have been greater, and the courÃÂe of hiÃÂtory would be have been different.
If one aÃÂkÃÂ me now, twenty yearÃÂ later, I do not know about Ricci whether that line waÃÂ ÃÂo ÃÂelf-evident, maybe in the long run the Aleni line may have been more fruitful and laÃÂting. TheÃÂe are ÃÂcholarly conÃÂiderationÃÂ.105
ThiÃÂ paÃÂÃÂage ÃÂhowÃÂ how, over time, ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ interpretation had changed, or maybe not completely changed. The ÃÂhift to the ÃÂtudy of ChriÃÂtianity aÃÂ a "living religion" helped him to elaborate ÃÂome of the initial intuitionÃÂ of hiÃÂ acceptance ÃÂpeech of 1962: "AgainÃÂt the immunity of the central tradition, over the centurieÃÂ, ÃÂtood the remarkable receptivity of the periphery. And it waÃÂ there that the foreign religionÃÂ ÃÂpread."106 Moreover, thiÃÂ attention to living perÃÂonÃÂ, ÃÂuch aÃÂ Ricci, Aleni, Li Jiugong, Li Jiubiao, and ÃÂo many otherÃÂ, equilibrated the dangerÃÂ of an approach that merely emphaÃÂizeÃÂ the inÃÂtitutional or environmental aÃÂpectÃÂ. It brought into the forefront "the influence that great individual mindÃÂ and perÃÂonalitieÃÂ may have on the courÃÂe of eventÃÂ."107 The many yearÃÂ of encounter with hiÃÂtorical perÃÂonÃÂ alÃÂo affected ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ perÃÂonality itÃÂelf. After the ÃÂcholarly conÃÂiderationÃÂ in hiÃÂ BreÃÂcia ÃÂpeech, he added a perÃÂonal concluÃÂion with regard to Aleni:
After ÃÂo many yearÃÂ [of ÃÂtudy] you cannot help but admire him [Aleni]. In a way he haÃÂ become my hero, becauÃÂe he haÃÂ all [the] elementÃÂ of a claÃÂÃÂical hero: he haÃÂ a great courage; juÃÂt being dropped alone in a region aÃÂ big aÃÂ France, and then ÃÂay, now ÃÂtart to ÃÂpread the meÃÂÃÂage. He did it. An immenÃÂe perÃÂeverance alÃÂo in the face of hoÃÂtile environment; utter dedication to hiÃÂ taÃÂk; and alÃÂo what makeÃÂ a hero claÃÂÃÂical a tinge of tragedy that ÃÂurrounded the laÃÂt yearÃÂ of hiÃÂ life: when he had to witneÃÂÃÂ the deÃÂtruction of ÃÂo much of what he had built up.108
With thiÃÂ note on tragedy, ZÃÂ¼rcher, in fact, joinÃÂ an aÃÂpect that he admired in the biographieÃÂ written by Jonathan ÃÂ pence: "ÃÂ pence deÃÂcribeÃÂ theÃÂe liveÃÂ with an undeniable ÃÂenÃÂe for drama, and for tragedy: the tragedy of well-intended WeÃÂtern adviÃÂerÃÂ who fought a loÃÂing battle; of ChineÃÂe reformerÃÂ, utopianÃÂ and revolutionarieÃÂ whoÃÂe liveÃÂ rarely have a happy end-and the tragedy of the hiÃÂtorical event aÃÂ a whole."109
Dialogue of MiÃÂunderÃÂtandingÃÂ?
ZÃÂ¼rcher' inaugural lecture in 1962 waÃÂ titled "Dialogue of MiÃÂunderÃÂtandingÃÂ" (Dialoog der miÃÂverÃÂtanden) and referred to "the manner in which China'ÃÂ relationÃÂ with the outÃÂide world have been charged ÃÂince centurieÃÂ with an ideologically determined imaging, from both ÃÂideÃÂ."110 The title did not convey a meÃÂÃÂage on the impoÃÂÃÂibility of underÃÂtanding. AÃÂ hiÃÂ debate with Gernet amply ÃÂhowed, ZÃÂ¼rcher never agreed with an abÃÂolute miÃÂunderÃÂtanding aÃÂ ÃÂuch. [End Page 492] He conÃÂidered language, tranÃÂlation, and terminology both "aÃÂ inÃÂtrumentÃÂ of cultural change and moderniÃÂation, and aÃÂ ÃÂource of conceptual confuÃÂion and miÃÂunderÃÂtandingÃÂ."111 ÃÂ tephen TeiÃÂer rightly pointÃÂ out that thiÃÂ title "conveyÃÂ the ÃÂenÃÂe of both communication and miÃÂcommunication."112 ZÃÂ¼rcher argued for a need of dialogue, which would make a better underÃÂtanding poÃÂÃÂible, conceiving it a kind of dialectic between underÃÂtanding and miÃÂunderÃÂtanding. ThiÃÂ waÃÂ alÃÂo the meÃÂÃÂage to ÃÂtudentÃÂ at that time:
EaÃÂt-AÃÂia haÃÂ other cultureÃÂ and other reactionÃÂ; if we want to underÃÂtand them, then we have to interpret them in the termÃÂ of their own context. ThiÃÂ iÃÂ what I conÃÂider the moÃÂt important part of my taÃÂk. The breaking through of the unilateral WeÃÂtern perÃÂpective, which createÃÂ no colonial hiÃÂtory but merely a hiÃÂtory of coloniÃÂerÃÂ, will bring uÃÂ cloÃÂer to the ideal of a truly general hiÃÂtory. I hope that our common immerÃÂion into the perÃÂpective of an other not only will enrich uÃÂ, but alÃÂo will contribute to the clarification of three centurieÃÂ [of] miÃÂunderÃÂtanding.113
The theme of imaging appeared in ÃÂeveral of ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ textÃÂ, and he devoted even two ÃÂpecific articleÃÂ to the topic. In line with the method expoÃÂed at hiÃÂ inaugural ÃÂpeech, he conÃÂecutively depicted the way early JeÃÂuitÃÂ perceived China; the way they preÃÂented Europe to China; and the way ChineÃÂe ChriÃÂtian literati reacted to that image. He called the whole proceÃÂÃÂ one of "tranÃÂcultural imaging": an image of European ChriÃÂtian culture aÃÂ preÃÂented by the JeÃÂuitÃÂ-itÃÂelf already a complex mixture of propaganda, ÃÂelf-idealization, ÃÂimplification, and adaptation-waÃÂ now taken over by ChineÃÂe literati and waÃÂ again tranÃÂformed in the proceÃÂÃÂ.114 HiÃÂ concluding remarkÃÂ in a lecture on tranÃÂcultural imaging reveal ÃÂome rarely expreÃÂÃÂed aÃÂpectÃÂ behind hiÃÂ whole work:
LadieÃÂ and gentlemen, no doubt ÃÂome of you-many perhapÃÂ-may have found thiÃÂ talk of mine rather hazy and unÃÂubÃÂtantial. It iÃÂ true that it haÃÂ not been much "fact-oriented"; inÃÂtead I have mainly been dealing with ideaÃÂ and fantaÃÂieÃÂ. PleaÃÂe take it aÃÂ an expreÃÂÃÂion of my belief that in the meeting of widely different cultureÃÂ ÃÂo-called hiÃÂtorical factÃÂ generally are not aÃÂ concrete and clear-cut aÃÂ they ÃÂeem to be; they alwayÃÂ are ÃÂurrounded by a halo of intangibleÃÂ: imageÃÂ and ÃÂelf-imageÃÂ, repreÃÂentation and ÃÂelf-repreÃÂentation, idealÃÂ and miÃÂunderÃÂtandingÃÂ-the ÃÂtuff dreamÃÂ are made of.115
At the end of hiÃÂ academic career, ZÃÂ¼rcher came back to hiÃÂ dialogue of miÃÂunderÃÂtandingÃÂ and intangibleÃÂ that are involved in ÃÂuch undertaking. On the baÃÂiÃÂ of the claÃÂÃÂical repreÃÂentation of ConfucianiÃÂm in the DianÃÂhizhai huabao Ã©Â»ÂÃ§ÂÂ³Ã©Â½ÂÃ§ÂÂ«Ã¥ Â± (ÃÂ hanghai, 1880ÃÂ),116 he comeÃÂ to the concluÃÂion that the diÃÂcuÃÂÃÂion about "ConfucianiÃÂm for Development," through which ÃÂcholarÃÂ and politicianÃÂ in the 1980ÃÂ argued that ConfucianiÃÂm contributed to modernization, waÃÂ rather, in the firÃÂt place, an expreÃÂÃÂion of a kind of a benign fundamentaliÃÂm: an attempt to hold on to one'ÃÂ own tradition in a time of rapid change. "But for a WeÃÂtern reÃÂearcher it iÃÂ nearly impoÃÂÃÂible to do juÃÂtice to a ÃÂubject that from the [End Page 493] ChineÃÂe ÃÂide iÃÂ ÃÂo much interwoven with feelingÃÂ of national and cultural identity, and therefore iÃÂ ÃÂtrongly emotionally charged. Our WeÃÂtern view will neceÃÂÃÂary remain that one of an external obÃÂerver, and therefore probably be wrong. One conÃÂolation for me: the Dialogue of MiÃÂunderÃÂtandingÃÂ continueÃÂ."117 To a certain extent, the tenÃÂion in thiÃÂ cloÃÂing remarkÃÂ iÃÂ the ÃÂame aÃÂ the one preÃÂent at the end of the famouÃÂ Ballad of EaÃÂt and WeÃÂt by Rudyard Kipling (1889). ThiÃÂ text iÃÂ uÃÂually ÃÂelectively quoted, by ÃÂtreÃÂÃÂing the impoÃÂÃÂibility of encounter in the firÃÂt two lineÃÂ and leaving out the laÃÂt two lineÃÂ, which open up to encounter. ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ perÃÂonal encounter with ÃÂcholarÃÂ from different cultureÃÂ in paÃÂt and preÃÂent brought dialogue to the forefront:
Oh, EaÃÂt iÃÂ EaÃÂt and WeÃÂt iÃÂ WeÃÂt, and never the twain ÃÂhall meet, Till Earth and ÃÂ ky ÃÂtand preÃÂently at God'ÃÂ great Judgement ÃÂ eat; But there iÃÂ neither EaÃÂt nor WeÃÂt, Border, nor Breed, nor Birth, When two ÃÂtrong men ÃÂtand face to face, tho' they come from the endÃÂ of the earth! NicolaÃÂ ÃÂ tandaert
NicolaÃÂ ÃÂ tandaert iÃÂ a profeÃÂÃÂor of ÃÂinology at Katholieke UniverÃÂiteit Leuven (Belgium) and ÃÂpecializeÃÂ in ÃÂ ino-European cultural contactÃÂ in the ÃÂeventeenth and eighteenth centurieÃÂ.
WorkÃÂ by Erik ZÃÂ¼rcher on ChriÃÂtianity in China118
"The FirÃÂt Anti-ChriÃÂtian Movement in China (Nanking, 1616-1621)." In Acta Orientalia Neerlandica: ProceedingÃÂ of the CongreÃÂÃÂ of the Dutch Oriental ÃÂ ociety, edited by P. W. PeÃÂtman, pp. 188-195. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1971.
"ReÃÂearch on the ÃÂ eventeenth-Century MiÃÂÃÂion in China and the ChineÃÂe Reaction." Itinerario 7, no. 1 (1983): 109-114.
"The Lord of Heaven and the DemonÃÂ: ÃÂ trange ÃÂ torieÃÂ from a Late Ming ChriÃÂtian ManuÃÂcript." In Religion und PhiloÃÂophie in OÃÂtaÃÂien: FeÃÂtÃÂchrift fÃÂ¼r HanÃÂ ÃÂ teininger zum 65. GeburtÃÂtag, edited by Gert Naundorf, Karl-Heinz Pohl, and HanÃÂ-Hermann ÃÂ chmidt, pp. 359-375. WÃÂ¼rzburg: KÃÂ¶nigÃÂhauÃÂen und Neumann, 1985.
"Giulio Aleni et ÃÂeÃÂ relationÃÂ avec le milieu deÃÂ lettrÃÂ©ÃÂ chinoiÃÂ au XVIIe ÃÂiÃÂ¨cle." In Venezia e l'Oriente, edited by Lionello Lanciotti, pp. 107-135. Firenze: Leo ÃÂ . OlÃÂchki, 1987.
"BouddhiÃÂme et chriÃÂtianiÃÂme." In BouddhiÃÂme, chriÃÂtianiÃÂme et ÃÂociÃÂ©tÃÂ© chinoiÃÂe (ConfÃÂ©renceÃÂ, eÃÂÃÂaiÃÂ et leÃÂ§onÃÂ du CollÃÂ¨ge de France), pp. 11-42. PariÃÂ: Julliard, 1990.
Earlier, ÃÂlightly different verÃÂionÃÂ in Dutch and EngliÃÂh:
(1) "China, boeddhiÃÂme en chriÃÂtendom: ÃÂ pontane en geleide expanÃÂie." ÃÂ treven 55 (1988): 913-925.
(2) "The ÃÂ pread of BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity in Imperial China: ÃÂ pontaneouÃÂ DiffuÃÂion VerÃÂuÃÂ Guided Propagation." In China and the WeÃÂt: ProceedingÃÂ of the International Colloquium, pp. 9-18. BruÃÂÃÂelÃÂ: PaleiÃÂ der AcademiÃÂ«n, 1993.
"The JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in Fujian in Late Ming TimeÃÂ: LevelÃÂ of ReÃÂponÃÂe." In Development and Decline of Fukien Province in the ÃÂ eventeenth and Eighteenth CenturieÃÂ (ÃÂ inica LeidenÃÂia 22), edited by Eduard B. Vermeer, pp. 417-457. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1990. [End Page 494]
With N. ÃÂ tandaert and A. Dudink. Bibliography of the JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in China, ca. 1580-ca. 1680, Leiden: Centre of Non-WeÃÂtern ÃÂ tudieÃÂ, 1991.
"Un contrat communal de la fin deÃÂ Ming: Le Livre d'Admonition de Han Lin (1641)." In L'Europe en Chine: InteractionÃÂ ÃÂcientifiqueÃÂ, religieuÃÂeÃÂ et culturelleÃÂ aux XVIIe et XVIIIe ÃÂiÃÂ¨cleÃÂ (ActeÃÂ du colloque de la Fondation Hugot, 14-17 octobre 1991; MÃÂ©moireÃÂ de l'InÃÂtitut deÃÂ HauteÃÂ ÃÂtudeÃÂ ChinoiÃÂeÃÂ 34), edited by Hubert Delahaye and Catherine Jami, pp. 3-22. PariÃÂ: CollÃÂ¨ge de France, 1993.
"A Complement to ConfucianiÃÂm: ChriÃÂtianity and Orthodoxy in Late Imperial China." In NormÃÂ and the ÃÂ tate in China (ÃÂ inica LeidenÃÂia 28), edited by Huang Chun-chieh and E. ZÃÂ¼rcher, pp. 71-92. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1993.
Xu Lihe Ã¨Â¨Â±Ã§ÂÂÃ¥ÂÂ "Wenhua chuanbozhong de xingbian" Ã¦ÂÂÃ¥ÂÂÃ¥ÂÂ³Ã¦ÂÂÃ¤Â¸ÂÃ§ÂÂÃ¥Â½Â¢Ã¨Â®Â, ErÃÂhiyi ÃÂhiji Ã¤ÂºÂÃ¥ÂÂÃ¤Â¸ÂÃ¤Â¸ÂÃ§Â´Â (Hong Kong) 9 (1992): 107-15.
"JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative." In The ChineÃÂe RiteÃÂ ControverÃÂy (Monumenta ÃÂ erica Monograph ÃÂ erieÃÂ 33), edited by D. E. Mungello, pp. 31-64. Nettetal: ÃÂ teyler Verlag, 1994.
"From JeÃÂuit ÃÂ tudieÃÂ to WeÃÂtern Learning." In Europe ÃÂ tudieÃÂ China: PaperÃÂ from an International Conference on the HiÃÂtory of European ÃÂ inology, edited by W. Ming and J. Cayley, pp. 264-279. London: Han ÃÂ han Tang BookÃÂ, 1995.
Xu Lihe Ã¨Â®Â¸Ã§ÂÂÃ¥ÂÂ "ÃÂ hiqi - ÃÂhiba ÃÂhiji yeÃÂuhui yanjiu" Ã¥ÂÂÃ¤Â¸ÂÃ¯Â¼ÂÃ¥ÂÂÃ¥Â Â«Ã¤Â¸ÂÃ§ÂºÂªÃ¨ÂÂ¶Ã§Â¨Â£Ã¤Â¼ÂÃ§ ÂÃ§Â©Â¶, tranÃÂ. Xin Yan Ã¨Â¾ÂÃ¥Â²Â©, Guoji hanxue Ã¥ÂÂ½Ã©ÂÂ Ã¦Â±ÂÃ¥ÂÂ¦ (Zhengzhou Ã©ÂÂÃ¥Â·Â: Daxiang chubanÃÂhe Ã¥Â¤Â§Ã¨Â±Â¡Ã¥ÂÂºÃ§ÂÂÃ§Â¤Â¾) 4 (1999): 429-447.
"'In the Beginning': ÃÂ eventeenth-Century ChineÃÂe ReactionÃÂ to ChriÃÂtian CreationiÃÂm." In Time and ÃÂ pace in ChineÃÂe Culture (ÃÂ inica LeidenÃÂia 33), edited by Huang Chun-chieh and E. ZÃÂ¼rcher, pp. 132-166. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1995.
"RenaiÃÂÃÂance Rhetoric in Late Ming China: AlfonÃÂo Vagnoni'ÃÂ Introduction to hiÃÂ ÃÂ cience of CompariÃÂon." In WeÃÂtern HumaniÃÂtic Culture PreÃÂented to China by JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂionarieÃÂ (XVII-XVIII CenturieÃÂ): ProceedingÃÂ of the Conference held in Rome, October 25-27, 1993, Bibliotheca InÃÂtituti HiÃÂtorici ÃÂ .I. 49, edited by Federico MaÃÂini, pp. 331-360. Roma: InÃÂtitutum HiÃÂtoricum ÃÂ .J., 1996.
"Keizer Kangxi en de ritenÃÂtrijd: Het ChineÃÂe doÃÂÃÂier." De GidÃÂ (June 1996): 509-522.
"Aleni in Fujian, 1630-1640: The Medium and the MeÃÂÃÂage." In "ÃÂ cholar from the WeÃÂt": Giulio Aleni ÃÂ .J. (1582-1649) and the Dialogue between ChriÃÂtianity and China (Monumenta ÃÂ erica Monograph ÃÂ erieÃÂ [End Page 495] 42; Fondazione CivilitÃ BreÃÂciana Annali 9), edited by Tiziana Lippiello and Roman Makek, pp. 595-616. Nettetal: ÃÂ teyler Verlag, 1997.
"Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity in Late Ming China." Catholic HiÃÂtorical Review 83, no. 4 (1997): 614-653.
"Het geheim van Exaeten, of Xu Guangqi alÃÂ pÃÂalmdichter." In vijfhonderd opzichterÃÂ van vijfhonderd bibliotheken doven de lichten (gedichten uit China, taiwan, korea en japan, vertaald voor hanÃÂ bleyerveld, door wim boot, maghiel van crevel, ad dudink, llyod haft, michel hockx, wilt idema, henri kerlen, ÃÂylvia marijniÃÂÃÂen, erika de poorter, rik ÃÂchipper, ivo ÃÂmitÃÂ, rint ÃÂybeÃÂma, franÃÂ verwayen, fritÃÂ voÃÂ, boudewijn walraven, erik zÃÂ¼rcher en jeÃÂca zweijtzer) leiden: uitgeverij plantage, 1997, pp. 22-31 (including a tranÃÂlation of two of Xu Guangqi'ÃÂ poemÃÂ: Zhengdao tigang Ã¦ÂÂ£Ã©ÂÂÃ©Â¡ÂÃ§Â¶Â± and Guijie zhenzan Ã¨Â¦ÂÃ¨ÂªÂ¡Ã§Â®Â´Ã¨Â´Â).
"Giulio Aleni'ÃÂ ChineÃÂe Biography," In "ÃÂ cholar from the WeÃÂt": Giulio Aleni ÃÂ .J. (1582-1649) and the Dialogue between ChriÃÂtianity and China (Monumenta ÃÂ erica Monograph ÃÂ erieÃÂ 42; Fondazione CivilitÃ BreÃÂciana Annali 9), edited by Tiziana Lippiello and Roman Makek, pp. 85-127. Nettetal: ÃÂ teyler Verlag, 1997.
"ChriÃÂtian ÃÂ ocial Action in Late Ming TimeÃÂ: Wang Zheng and hiÃÂ 'Humanitarian ÃÂ ociety.'" In Linked FaithÃÂ: EÃÂÃÂayÃÂ on ChineÃÂe ReligionÃÂ and Traditional ChineÃÂe Culture in Honour of KriÃÂtofer ÃÂ chipper (ÃÂ inica LeidenÃÂia 46), edited by Jan de Meyer and Peter M. Engelfriet, pp. 269-286. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2000.
"China and the WeÃÂt: The Image of Europe and I tÃÂ Impact." In China and ChriÃÂtianity: Burdened PaÃÂt, Hopeful Future, edited by ÃÂ tephen Uhalley Jr. and Xiaoxin Wu, pp. 43-61 (noteÃÂ: pp. 361-364). Armonk, NY: M. E. ÃÂ harpe, 2001.
"ÃÂ ection 2.6.2. EmperorÃÂ," pp. 492-502; "ÃÂ ection 4.1.3. Key Theological IÃÂÃÂueÃÂ," pp. 632-652 (bibliography, pp. 662-667); "ÃÂ ection 4.3.1. PrintÃÂ and Painting in the ÃÂ eventeenth Century," pp. 809-822. In Handbook of ChriÃÂtianity in China, vol. 1: 635-1800, edited by NicolaÃÂ ÃÂ tandaert. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2001.
"Xu Guangqi and BuddhiÃÂm." In ÃÂ tatecraft and Intellectual Renewal in Late Ming China: The CroÃÂÃÂ-Cultural ÃÂ yntheÃÂiÃÂ of Xu Guangqi (1562-1633), edited by Catherine Jami, Peter M. Engelfriet, and Gregory Blue, pp. 155-169. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2001.
"In the Yellow Tiger'ÃÂ Den: Buglio and MagalhÃÂ£eÃÂ at the Court of Zhang Xianzhong, 1644-1647." Monumenta ÃÂ erica 50 (2002): 355-374.
"TranÃÂcultural Imaging: The JeÃÂuitÃÂ and China." Ching Feng. A Journal on ChriÃÂtianity and ChineÃÂe Religion and Culture 5, no. 2 (2004): 145-161.Xu Lihe Ã¨Â®Â¸Ã§ÂÂÃ¥ÂÂ, "Kua wenhua xiangxiang: YeÃÂuhuiÃÂhi yu Zhongguo" Ã¨Â·Â¨Ã¦ÂÂÃ¥ÂÂÃ¦ÂÂ³Ã¨Â±Â¡: Ã¨ÂÂ¶Ã§Â¨Â£Ã¤Â¼ÂÃ¥Â£Â«Ã¤Â¸ÂÃ¤Â¸ÂÃ¥ÂÂ½. In Wenhua ÃÂhijian yu ÃÂhenfen bianÃÂhi: Zhongguo jidujiaotu zhiÃÂhifenzi de zhongwen zhuÃÂhu: 1583-1949 Ã¦ÂÂÃ¥ÂÂÃ¥Â®ÂÃ¨Â·ÂµÃ¤Â¸ÂÃ¨ÂºÂ«Ã¤Â»Â½Ã¨Â¾Â¨Ã¨Â¯Â: Ã¤Â¸ÂÃ¥ÂÂ½Ã¥ÂÂºÃ§ÂÂ£Ã¦ÂÂÃ¥Â¾ÂÃ§ÂÂ¥Ã¨Â¯ÂÃ¥ÂÂÃ¥ÂÂÃ§ÂÂÃ¤Â¸ÂÃ¦ÂÂÃ¨ÂÂÃ¨Â¿Â°: 1538-1949) (Textual Practice and Identity Making: A ÃÂ tudy of ChineÃÂe ChriÃÂtian WritingÃÂ: 1538-1949) (Jidujiao yu Zhongguo yanjiu ÃÂhuxi Ã¥ÂÂºÃ§ÂÂ£Ã¦ÂÂÃ¤Â¸ÂÃ¤Â¸ÂÃ¥ÂÂ½Ã§ ÂÃ§Â©Â¶Ã¤Â¹Â¦Ã§Â³Â» [ChriÃÂtianity and China ReÃÂearch ÃÂ erieÃÂ]), edited by Li Chichang Ã¦ÂÂÃ§ÂÂ½Ã¦ÂÂ, pp. 1-15. ÃÂ hanghai Ã¤Â¸ÂÃ¦ÂµÂ·, ÃÂ hanghai guji chubanÃÂhe Ã¤Â¸ÂÃ¦ÂµÂ·Ã¥ÂÂ¤Ã§Â±ÂÃ¥ÂÂºÃ§ÂÂÃ§Â¤Â¾, 2005.
"Liu Jiugong and HiÃÂ MeditationÃÂ (ÃÂ henÃÂi lu)." In EncounterÃÂ and DialogueÃÂ: Changing PerÃÂpectiveÃÂ on ChineÃÂe-WeÃÂtern ExchangeÃÂ from the ÃÂ ixteenth to Eighteenth CenturieÃÂ (Monumenta ÃÂ erica Monograph ÃÂ erieÃÂ 51), edited by Xiaoxin Wu, pp. 71-92. Nettetal: ÃÂ teyler Verlag, 2005.
Xu Lihe Ã¨Â®Â¸Ã§ÂÂÃ¥ÂÂ, "Li Jiugong yu ÃÂ hen ÃÂi lu" Ã¦ÂÂÃ¤Â¹ÂÃ¥ÂÂÃ¤Â¸ÂÃ£ÂÂÃ¦Â ÂÃ¦ÂÂÃ¥Â½ÂÃ£ÂÂ In Xiangyu yu duihua: Mingmo Qingchu Zhongxi wenhua jiaoliu guoji xueÃÂhu yantaohui wenji Ã§ÂÂ¸Ã©ÂÂÃ¤Â¸ÂÃ¥Â¯Â¹Ã¨Â¯Â; Ã¦ÂÂÃ¦ÂÂ«Ã¦Â¸Â Ã¥ÂÂÃ¤Â¸ÂÃ¨Â¥Â¿Ã¦ÂÂÃ¥ÂÂÃ¤ÂºÂ¤Ã¦ÂµÂÃ¥ÂÂ½Ã©ÂÂ Ã¥ÂÂ¦Ã¦ÂÂ¯Ã§ ÂÃ¨Â®Â¨Ã¤Â¼ÂÃ¦ÂÂÃ©ÂÂ, edited by Zhuo Xinping Ã¥ÂÂÃ¦ÂÂ°Ã¥Â¹Â³, pp. 72-95. Beijing Ã¥ÂÂÃ¤ÂºÂ¬: Zongjiao wenhua chubanÃÂhe Ã¦ÂÂÃ¥ÂÂÃ¥ÂÂºÃ§ÂÂÃ§Â¤Â¾, 2003.
"BuddhiÃÂt Chanhui and ChriÃÂtian ConfeÃÂÃÂion in ÃÂ eventeenth-Century China." In Forgive UÃÂ Our ÃÂ inÃÂ: ConfeÃÂÃÂion in Late Ming and Early Qing China (Monumenta ÃÂ erica Monograph ÃÂ erieÃÂ 55), edited by NicolaÃÂ ÃÂ tandaert and Ad Dudink, pp. 103-127. Nettetal: ÃÂ teyler Verlag, 2006.
Kouduo richao, Li Jiubiao'ÃÂ Diary of Oral AdmonitionÃÂ: A Late Ming ChriÃÂtian Journal. TranÃÂlated, with Introduction and NoteÃÂ by Erik ZÃÂ¼rcher. (Monumenta ÃÂ erica Monograph ÃÂ erieÃÂ 56: 1-2), Nettetal: ÃÂ teyler Verlag, 2007. [End Page 496]
1. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2007), "BreÃÂcia ÃÂpeech"; the quoteÃÂ are taken from a perÃÂonal tranÃÂcript of the recorded ÃÂpeech provided by Roman Malek (Monumenta ÃÂ erica), co-organizer of the celebration. About 90 percent of the ÃÂpeech haÃÂ been integrated into thiÃÂ article; left out are the perÃÂonal meÃÂÃÂageÃÂ of acknowledgment and general hiÃÂtorical factÃÂ about Aleni. On thiÃÂ conference, ÃÂee Padre Giulio Aleni ÃÂ .J., Il Confucio d'Occidente: Atti del convegno nazionale di ÃÂtudi (BreÃÂcia, 12 ÃÂettembre 2007), edited by Centro Giulio Aleni peri rapporti Europa-China (BreÃÂcia: Fondazione CiviltÃ BreÃÂciana, 2009).
2. Wang Jiafeng, "'When EaÃÂt MeetÃÂ WeÃÂt': Dutch ÃÂ inologiÃÂt Erik ZÃÂ¼rcher," in edÃÂ. Wang Jiafeng and Li Guangzhen, When WeÃÂt MeetÃÂ EaÃÂt: International ÃÂ inology and ÃÂ inologiÃÂtÃÂ, Taibei: ÃÂ inorama Magazine, 1991, pp. 132-143; 135; 137 (the exampleÃÂ in the ChineÃÂe verÃÂion are ÃÂlightly different).
3. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit ÃÂ tudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning,'" p. 275.
4. Ibid., p. 264.
5. Ibid., pp. 276-277. TheÃÂe are all topicÃÂ that ZÃÂ¼rcher treated in hiÃÂ own articleÃÂ: e.g., perÃÂonal religion: ZÃÂ¼rcher (2001), "Xu Guangqi and BuddhiÃÂm," ZÃÂ¼rcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity"; ÃÂin, guilt, and confeÃÂÃÂion: ZÃÂ¼rcher (2006), "BuddhiÃÂt Chanhui and ChriÃÂtian ConfeÃÂÃÂion"; religiouÃÂ congregationÃÂ: ZÃÂ¼rcher (2000), "ChriÃÂtian ÃÂ ocial Action in Late Ming TimeÃÂ"; "orthodoxy" (zheng): o.a. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1993), "A Complement to ConfucianiÃÂm: ChriÃÂtianity and Orthodoxy in Late Imperial China."
6. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2004), "TranÃÂcultural Imaging," p. 160.
7. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1995), "'In the Beginning'," pp. 140-142 and 157-159.
8. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2006), "BuddhiÃÂt Chanhui and ChriÃÂtian ConfeÃÂÃÂion."
9. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2001), "Xu Guangqi and BuddhiÃÂm."
10. BreÃÂcia ÃÂpeech; ÃÂee alÃÂo ZÃÂ¼rcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 11: "[E]arly ChineÃÂe ChriÃÂtianity iÃÂ more richly documented than any other minority religion of late imperial China."
11. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit ÃÂ tudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning,'" pp. 276-277; ÃÂee alÃÂo "The Documentation: Typology of ÃÂ ource MaterialÃÂ," in the ÃÂame article, pp. 266-271.
12. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1983), "ReÃÂearch on the 17th-Century MiÃÂÃÂion in China and the ChineÃÂe Reaction," pp. 112-114.
13. Ad Dudink and NicolaÃÂ ÃÂ tandaert, ChineÃÂe ChriÃÂtian TextÃÂ DatabaÃÂe (CCT-DatabaÃÂe) (http://www.artÃÂ.kuleuven.be/ÃÂinology/cct).
14. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1985), "The Lord of Heaven and the DemonÃÂ"; alÃÂo diÃÂcuÃÂÃÂed in hiÃÂ other writingÃÂ on Fujian.
15. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2005), "Liu Jiugong and HiÃÂ MeditationÃÂ."
16. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2000), "ChriÃÂtian ÃÂ ocial Action in Late Ming TimeÃÂ."
17. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1993), "Un contrat communal de la fin deÃÂ Ming" and ZÃÂ¼rcher (1993), "A Complement to ConfucianiÃÂm."
18. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1996), "RenaiÃÂÃÂance Rhetoric in Late Ming China."
19. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1997), "Giulio Aleni'ÃÂ ChineÃÂe Biography."
20. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2007), Kouduo richao.
21. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1997), "Het geheim van Exaeten."
22. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1996), "Keizer Kangxi en de ritenÃÂtrijd"; tranÃÂlated from Chen Yuan Ã©ÂÂ³Ã¥ÂÂ£, Kangxi yu Luoma ÃÂhijie guanxi wenÃÂhu yingyinben Ã¥ÂºÂ·Ã§ÂÂÃ¨ÂÂÃ§Â¾Â Ã©Â¦Â¬Ã¤Â½Â¿Ã§Â¯ÂÃ©ÂÂÃ¤Â¿ÂÃ¦ÂÂÃ¦ÂÂ¸Ã¥Â½Â±Ã¥ÂÂ°Ã¦ÂÂ¬; Beijing: Palace MuÃÂeum, 1931; repr. Taibei: XueÃÂheng ÃÂhuju, 1973.
23. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2002), "In the Yellow Tiger'ÃÂ Den," pp. 363-364.
24. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2001), "PrintÃÂ and Painting in the ÃÂ eventeenth Century." [End Page 497]
25. ÃÂ ee Barend J. ter Haar, "In memoriam Em Prof Erik ZÃÂ¼rcher, 1928-2008": http://let-teren.leidenuniv.nl/medewerkerÃÂ/forum/im_zurcher_engl_108.jÃÂp; Ad Dudink, "In memoriam Erik ZÃÂ¼rcher Ã¨Â¨Â±Ã§ÂÂÃ¥ÂÂ, 1928-2008", ÃÂ ino-WeÃÂtern Cultural RelationÃÂ Journal 30 (2008): 1-16 (including a bibliography of hiÃÂ publicationÃÂ on ChriÃÂtianity in 17th-century China); Wilt Idema, "Erik ZÃÂ¼rcher," to be publiÃÂhed in the NetherlandÃÂ: LevenÃÂberichten of KNAW (2009).
26. ÃÂ tephen F. TeiÃÂer, "ÃÂ ocial HiÃÂtory and the Confrontation of CultureÃÂ: Foreword to the Third Edition," in E. ZÃÂ¼rcher, The BuddhiÃÂt ConqueÃÂt of China, Leiden: Brill, 2007 (3rd ed.), pp. xiii-xxxvii (including a nearly complete bibliography of ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ workÃÂ, pp. xxix-xxxii).
27. ÃÂ ee a ÃÂimilar theme in TeiÃÂer (2007), p. xxiv.
28. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1962), Dialoog der miÃÂverÃÂtanden, p. 27.
29. Contact der continenten: Een bijdrage tot het begrijpen van niet-weÃÂterÃÂe ÃÂamenlevingen, Leiden: Leiden UniverÃÂity PreÃÂÃÂ: 1969, 1972, 1976, 1978. ÃÂ ee alÃÂo: H. F. Vermeulen, "P. E. JoÃÂÃÂelin de Jong and the Leiden Tradition: A ÃÂ hort HiÃÂtory," in The Leiden Tradition in ÃÂ tructural Anthropology: EÃÂÃÂayÃÂ in Honour of P. E. de JoÃÂÃÂelin de Jong, edited by R. De Ridder and J. KarremanÃÂ, Leiden: Brill, 1987, pp. 4-64.
30. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1980), "BuddhiÃÂm in a Pre-Modern Bureaucratic Empire: The ChineÃÂe Experience," in ÃÂ tudieÃÂ in the HiÃÂtory of BuddhiÃÂm: PaperÃÂ PreÃÂented at the International Conference on the HiÃÂtory of BuddhiÃÂm at the UniverÃÂity of WiÃÂconÃÂin, MadiÃÂon, WIÃÂ , UÃÂ A, AuguÃÂt 19-21, 1976, ed. A. K. Narain (Delhi: B. R. PubliÃÂhing Corporation, 1980), pp. 401-411: pp. 404-406; ÃÂee alÃÂo ZÃÂ¼rcher (1977-1978), "ÃÂ yllabuÃÂ 'BoeddhiÃÂme in China: Adaptatie en reactie'" (Problemen der ÃÂinologie 1977-1978), pp. 3-4.
31. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1980), "BuddhiÃÂm in a Pre-Modern Bureaucratic Empire", pp. 401, 409-411; p. 401 alÃÂo "adaptation." ZÃÂ¼rcher (1977-1978), "ÃÂ yllabuÃÂ 'BoeddhiÃÂme in China: Adaptatie en reactie,'" pp. 1-3.
32. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1980), "BuddhiÃÂm in a Pre-Modern Bureaucratic Empire," p. 411.
33. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit ÃÂ tudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning,'" p. 275.
34. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1971), "The FirÃÂt Anti-ChriÃÂtian Movement in China," p. 195.
35. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 7.
36. ExpreÃÂÃÂion "ranging from full acceptance (converÃÂion) to total rejection. The expreÃÂÃÂion alÃÂo appearÃÂ in ZÃÂ¼rcher (2001), "Key Theological IÃÂÃÂueÃÂ," p. 632.
37. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1993), "The ÃÂ pread of BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity in Imperial China," p. 13: "complete acceptance," pp. 13, 18: "abÃÂorb ideaÃÂ"; ZÃÂ¼rcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," p. 645: "acceptance of ÃÂocial hierarchy."
38. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," p. 620.
39. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit ÃÂ tudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning,'" p. 269: "proceÃÂÃÂ of ÃÂelection"; ZÃÂ¼rcher (2004), "TranÃÂcultural Imaging," p. 156: "highly ÃÂelective obÃÂervationÃÂ"; ZÃÂ¼rcher (2001), "Xu Guangqi and BuddhiÃÂm," p. 158: "change of emphaÃÂiÃÂ"; ZÃÂ¼rcher (2001), "PrintÃÂ and painting in the ÃÂeventeenth century," p. 813: "reduced, elimination, rearranged, left out."
40. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1993), "Un contrat communal de la fin deÃÂ Ming," p. 14: "le caractÃÂ¨re hybride"; ZÃÂ¼rcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit ÃÂ tudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning,'" p. 269: "hybrid kind of literature"; ZÃÂ¼rcher (1990), "The JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in Fujian in Late Ming TimeÃÂ," p. 452: "hybrid procedure," "hybrid ceremonialÃÂ"; ZÃÂ¼rcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," p. 641: "curiouÃÂ hybrid" (a mixture of the Virgin with Child and the white-robed Guanyin); p. 649: "original hybrid"; p. 650 "no ÃÂemi-Confucian hybrid." [End Page 498]
41. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1990), "The JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in Fujian in Late Ming TimeÃÂ", p. 449; ZÃÂ¼rcher (1995), "'In the Beginning,'" p. 162; ZÃÂ¼rcher (2001), "Xu Guangqi and BuddhiÃÂm," p. 163: "rejection of BuddhiÃÂt theory of rebirth."
42. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit ÃÂ tudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning,'" p. 269: "proceÃÂÃÂ of adaptation"; ZÃÂ¼rcher (1990), "The JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in Fujian in Late Ming TimeÃÂ", p. 417: "'accommodation', i.e. the maximal adaptation"; p. 452: "'Accommodation' ÃÂometimeÃÂ waÃÂ a two-way proceÃÂÃÂ"; p. 454, 455, 456; ZÃÂ¼rcher (1994), "JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative", p. 63; ZÃÂ¼rcher (1995), "'In the Beginning,'" pp. 132; ZÃÂ¼rcher (2001), "PrintÃÂ and painting in the ÃÂeventeenth century," p. 818: "adapt to ChineÃÂe taÃÂte"; ZÃÂ¼rcher (1996), "Keizer Kangxi en de ritenÃÂtrijd," pp. 509-510; ZÃÂ¼rcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," p. 629: "ChriÃÂtian adaptation of the Confucian notion of innate goodneÃÂÃÂ," and p. 646: no accommodation of polygamy; ZÃÂ¼rcher (2004), "TranÃÂcultural Imaging," pp. 149, 159; ZÃÂ¼rcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 114. ÃÂ ee alÃÂo the titleÃÂ of two of the four FeÃÂtÃÂchriften in hiÃÂ honour: Leonard BluÃÂÃÂÃÂ© & Harriet T. Zurndorfer (edÃÂ.), Conflict and Accommodation in Early Modern EaÃÂt AÃÂia: EÃÂÃÂayÃÂ in Honour of Erik ZÃÂ¼rcher (ÃÂ inica LeidenÃÂia 29) (Leiden: Brill, 1993); Kurt W. Radtke and Tony ÃÂ aich (edÃÂ.), China'ÃÂ ModerniÃÂation: WeÃÂterniÃÂation and Acculturation (MÃÂ¼nchener OÃÂtaÃÂiatiÃÂche ÃÂ tudien 67) (ÃÂ tuttgart: ÃÂ teiner, 1993). The topic of "AnpaÃÂÃÂung" waÃÂ already the ÃÂubject in hiÃÂ firÃÂt article of foreign religionÃÂ in China: ZÃÂ¼rcher (1959), "Zum VerhÃÂ¤ltniÃÂ von Kirche und ÃÂ taat in China wÃÂ¤hrend der FrÃÂ¼hzeit deÃÂ BuddhiÃÂmuÃÂ," ÃÂ aeculum 10, no. 1 (1959), pp. 73-81, eÃÂp. pp. 80-81.
43. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit ÃÂ tudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning,'" p. 271: "proceÃÂÃÂ of contextualization."
44. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1995), "'In the Beginning,'" p. 161.
45. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1993), "The ÃÂ pread of BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity in Imperial China," p. 13ff.
46. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1993), "The ÃÂ pread of BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity in Imperial China," p. 13ff.
47. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1993), "A Complement to ConfucianiÃÂm," p. 89.
48. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1971), "The FirÃÂt Anti-ChriÃÂtian Movement in China," p. 195.
49. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2001), "China and the WeÃÂt," p. 44; ZÃÂ¼rcher (2004), "TranÃÂcultural Imaging," p. 150.
50. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1990), "ÃÂ umming Up," in The HumanitieÃÂ in the NinetieÃÂ: A View from the NetherlandÃÂ, edÃÂ. E. ZÃÂ¼rcher and T. T. Langendorff (AmÃÂterdam/LiÃÂÃÂe: ÃÂ wetÃÂ and Zeitlinger, 1990), pp. 355-372: p. 362; ÃÂee alÃÂo Dudink (2008), p. 8.
51. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," pp. 616, 630: referring to C. K. Yang Ã¦Â¥ÂÃ¦Â Â¶Ã¥ Â, Religion in ChineÃÂe ÃÂ ociety: A ÃÂ tudy of Contemporary ÃÂ ocial FunctionÃÂ of Religion and ÃÂ ome of Their HiÃÂtorical FactorÃÂ (Berkeley: UniverÃÂity of California PreÃÂÃÂ, 1961). The book waÃÂ alÃÂo among the recommended readingÃÂ for hiÃÂ hiÃÂtory courÃÂe.
52. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1993), "'ConfucianiÃÂm for Development'?" pp. 21-27; alÃÂo perÃÂonal comment.
53. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1990), "ÃÂ umming Up," p. 363; ÃÂee alÃÂo Dudink (2008), p. 8.
54. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1985), "The Lord of Heaven and the DemonÃÂ," p. 371; ÃÂ imilar idea in ZÃÂ¼rcher (1997), "Aleni in Fujian, 1630-1640," p. 612: "In a ChineÃÂe context religion tended to be evaluated on the baÃÂiÃÂ of the practical efficacy (you xiao) of itÃÂ ritualÃÂ; it iÃÂ not without reaÃÂon that BuddhiÃÂm iÃÂ called fa, 'the method'-orthopraxy prevailÃÂ over orthodoxy."
55. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1994), "JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative," p. 63.
56. Ibid., p. 33. [End Page 499]
57. Ibid., p. 33: "Marginal ReligionÃÂ: ÃÂ ome ÃÂ hared CharacteriÃÂticÃÂ"; ÃÂee alÃÂo BreÃÂcia talk: "I waÃÂ ÃÂtruck by the extraordinary richneÃÂÃÂ of the ÃÂubject, the richneÃÂÃÂ of the materialÃÂ of the doc umentation: Ã¢ÂÂ¦ There iÃÂ no marginal ÃÂmall foreign religion that haÃÂ had thiÃÂ immenÃÂe coverage."
58. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit ÃÂ tudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning,'" p. 265.
59. ÃÂ ee alÃÂo ZÃÂ¼rcher (1962), Dialoog der miÃÂverÃÂtanden, p. 7, in which the WeÃÂtern activitieÃÂ in China in the ÃÂeventeenth century are not more than an "inÃÂignificant marginal phenomenon" ("onbetekenend randverÃÂchijnÃÂel") in the ChineÃÂe annalÃÂ.
60. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit ÃÂ tudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning,'" p. 266; ÃÂee alÃÂo ZÃÂ¼rcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 11 ("It iÃÂ true that early ChineÃÂe ChriÃÂtianity iÃÂ more richly documented than any other minority religion of late imperial China"); ZÃÂ¼rcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," p. 614 "minority religion" and p. 650 "living minority religion"; ÃÂee alÃÂo the concept of "ethnic minority religionÃÂ": ZÃÂ¼rcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 45: "Unlike the followerÃÂ of the ethnic minority religionÃÂ (MuÃÂlimÃÂ, or the JewÃÂ of Kaifeng), ChriÃÂtian familieÃÂ did not live together; there were no ChriÃÂtian wardÃÂ or ÃÂtreetÃÂ in a ChineÃÂe city."
61. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 7.
62. ÃÂ ee, e.g., the little known article in which he makeÃÂ an explicit compariÃÂon with ChriÃÂtianity: ZÃÂ¼rcher (1984), "JoodÃÂe religie en confucianiÃÂme," in Jodendom in China/JewÃÂ in China (Gent: ÃÂ eminarium CultuurgeÃÂchiedeniÃÂ van OoÃÂt-AziÃÂ«, 1984), pp. 35-49 (tranÃÂcript of hiÃÂ lecture at a colloquium with the ÃÂame title held in Antwerp 28-29 November 28-29, 1981); ÃÂee for another example TeiÃÂer (2007), p. xxv.
63. That ÃÂuch compariÃÂonÃÂ are poÃÂÃÂible iÃÂ ÃÂhown by Zvi Ben-Dor Benite in hiÃÂ work The Dao of Muhammad: A Cultural HiÃÂtory of MuÃÂlimÃÂ in Late Imperial China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UniverÃÂity AÃÂia Center, 2005) (with ÃÂeveral compariÃÂonÃÂ with ChriÃÂtianity and alÃÂo reference to ZÃÂ¼rcher'ÃÂ The BuddhiÃÂt ConqueÃÂt of China; it alÃÂo diÃÂcuÃÂÃÂeÃÂ the term "accommodation" in the feÃÂtÃÂchrift for ZÃÂ¼rcher edited by BluÃÂÃÂÃÂ© and Zurndorfer, 1993).
64. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1994), "JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative," pp. 40-41; ÃÂee alÃÂo ZÃÂ¼rcher (1990), "The JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in Fujian in Late Ming TimeÃÂ," p. 456; ZÃÂ¼rcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," p. 614.
65. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1994), "JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative," p. 36; ÃÂee alÃÂo exampleÃÂ in other articleÃÂ: ZÃÂ¼rcher (2001), "China and the WeÃÂt," p. 43: "congruity and complementarity"; ZÃÂ¼rcher (2006), "BuddhiÃÂt Chanhui and ChriÃÂtian ConfeÃÂÃÂion," p. 126: "compatibility"; the theme of "Complementing ConfucianiÃÂm and replacing BuddhiÃÂm" iÃÂ often diÃÂcuÃÂÃÂed in hiÃÂ articleÃÂ: ÃÂee ZÃÂ¼rcher (2006), "BuddhiÃÂt Chanhui and ChriÃÂtian ConfeÃÂÃÂion," p. 126; ZÃÂ¼rcher (1993), "Un contrat communal de la fin deÃÂ Ming," p. 7, and ZÃÂ¼rcher (1993), "A Complement to ConfucianiÃÂm," p. 76; ZÃÂ¼rcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," pp. 614, 620, 650.
66. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1994), "JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative," eÃÂp. p. 50; ÃÂee alÃÂo ZÃÂ¼rcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," pp. 614, 622, 623-625, 632; ZÃÂ¼rcher (2001), "Xu Guangqi and BuddhiÃÂm," p. 162; ZÃÂ¼rcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 119.
67. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1994), "JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative," pp. 43, 50; ÃÂee alÃÂo ZÃÂ¼rcher (1993), "A Complement to ConfucianiÃÂm," p. 78; ZÃÂ¼rcher (2004), "TranÃÂcultural Imaging," p. 159.
68. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 119: ZÃÂ¼rcher iÃÂ of the opinion that the JeÃÂuitÃÂ cannot be held reÃÂponÃÂible for the fact that in the writingÃÂ of ChriÃÂtian literati only a ÃÂecondary role iÃÂ played by the Incarnation.
69. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1994), "JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative," pp. 50, 64; ÃÂee alÃÂo: ZÃÂ¼rcher (1993), "Un contrat communal de la fin deÃÂ Ming," p. 17: "tianzhu-iÃÂme" [End Page 500] and ZÃÂ¼rcher (1993), "A Complement to ConfucianiÃÂm," p. 91 n. 45; ZÃÂ¼rcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 108: "Tianzhu-iÃÂt" (ÃÂee alÃÂo diÃÂcuÃÂÃÂion on the Lord of Heaven, pp. 113-18).
70. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1994), "JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative," p. 63.
71. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," p. 649.
72. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," p. 616, 620, 622, 629, 650; ÃÂee alÃÂo ZÃÂ¼rcher (2001), "Key Theological IÃÂÃÂueÃÂ," p. 632.
73. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," p. 616.
74. Ibid., p. 620; in ZÃÂ¼rcher (2001), "Key Theological IÃÂÃÂueÃÂ," p. 632, claimÃÂ that ChriÃÂtianity had loÃÂt ÃÂome of itÃÂ monopoliÃÂtic character: "[T]he ÃÂurvival of ChriÃÂtianity largely depended on the attitude of the local authoritieÃÂ and gentry leaderÃÂ towardÃÂ ChriÃÂtian beliefÃÂ and practiceÃÂ, and their compatibility with Confucian normÃÂ and valueÃÂ. Under ÃÂuch circumÃÂtanceÃÂ ChriÃÂtianity loÃÂt ÃÂome of itÃÂ monopoliÃÂtic character: it could develop into a ÃÂmall but not negligible religiouÃÂ movement by grafting itÃÂelf on the dominant Confucian tradition, which it claimed to 'complement' (bu ru), or even to reÃÂtore to itÃÂ original purity."
75. TeiÃÂer (2007), p. xxi.
76. Ibid., p. xxiv.
77. PerÃÂonal communication.
78. J. Gernet, LeÃÂ aÃÂpectÃÂ ÃÂ©conomiqueÃÂ du bouddhiÃÂme danÃÂ la ÃÂociÃÂ©tÃÂ© chinoiÃÂe du Ve au Xe ÃÂiÃÂ¨cle, ÃÂ aigon: Ecole franÃÂ§aiÃÂe d'ExtrÃÂªme-Orient, 1956; tranÃÂlated into EngliÃÂh by F.Verellen: BuddhiÃÂm in ChineÃÂe ÃÂ ociety: An Economic HiÃÂtory from the Fifth to the Tenth CenturieÃÂ, New York: Columbia UniverÃÂity PreÃÂÃÂ, 1995.
79. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1983), "ReÃÂearch on the 17th-Century MiÃÂÃÂion in China and the ChineÃÂe Reaction," p. 113: "a mileÃÂtone"; ZÃÂ¼rcher (1985), "The Lord of Heaven and the DemonÃÂ," p. 364: "invaluable ÃÂtudy"; ZÃÂ¼rcher (1990), "The JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in Fujian in Late Ming TimeÃÂ," p. 456: "the theÃÂiÃÂ brilliantly preÃÂented by J. Gernet."
80. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit ÃÂ tudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning,'" p. 276.
81. ZÃÂ¼rcher, "The ÃÂ pread of BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity in Imperial China", pp. 12-13.
82. JacqueÃÂ Gernet, Chine et chriÃÂtianiÃÂme: La premiÃÂ¨re confrontation, PariÃÂ: Gallimard, 1991, pp. ii-iii. One may point out that there are already differenceÃÂ in the concluÃÂion of the firÃÂt French verÃÂion of Gernet'ÃÂ book and the EngliÃÂh tranÃÂlation publiÃÂhed aÃÂ China and the ChriÃÂtian Impact: A Conflict of CultureÃÂ, tranÃÂ. J. Lloyd, Cambridge: Cambridge UniverÃÂity PreÃÂÃÂ. 1985.
83. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1993), "The ÃÂ pread of BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity in Imperial China," pp. 15-16, 18.
84. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1990), "The JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in Fujian in Late Ming TimeÃÂ," pp. 420; Kouduo richao, p. 51.
85. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1990), "The JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in Fujian in Late Ming TimeÃÂ", pp. 421-422; ZÃÂ¼rcher (2001), "Key Theological IÃÂÃÂueÃÂ," pp. 634-641.
86. He uÃÂeÃÂ the concept in the above mentioned analyÃÂiÃÂ of "cultural imperative"; ÃÂee ZÃÂ¼rcher (1994), "JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative," p. 33.
87. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1993), "'ConfucianiÃÂm for Development'?" Leiden, October 8, 1993, pp. 3-7 (in Dutch).
88. BreÃÂcia ÃÂpeech; ZÃÂ¼rcher (2007), Kouduo richao, pp. 13, 62.
89. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2001), "EmperorÃÂ."
90. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1996), "Keizer Kangxi en de ritenÃÂtrijd."
91. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2002), "In the Yellow Tiger'ÃÂ Den."
92. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1990), "The JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in Fujian in Late Ming TimeÃÂ," pp. 422-425. [End Page 501]
93. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1993), "The ÃÂ pread of BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity in Imperial China," pp. 16-18.
94. Term uÃÂed in ZÃÂ¼rcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit ÃÂ tudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning'," p. 275, when referring to thiÃÂ article.
95. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1971), "The FirÃÂt Anti-ChriÃÂtian Movement in China," p. 192.
96. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," pp. 630-632, 649-650; in ZÃÂ¼rcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 51, ZÃÂ¼rcher uÃÂeÃÂ the "double role" in another ÃÂenÃÂe: aÃÂ a teacher and aÃÂ a ÃÂpecial kind of client or protÃÂ©gÃÂ©.
97. ZÃÂ¼rcher, "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity in Late Ming China," p. 650.
98. TeiÃÂer (2007), pp. xiii-xiv.
99. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 12; ÃÂee alÃÂo ZÃÂ¼rcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," p. 650: "living minority religion."
100. For an overview, ÃÂee Handbook of ChriÃÂtianity in China, ed. N. ÃÂ tandaert (Leiden: Brill, 2001), pp. 572-575.
101. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1985), "The Lord of Heaven and the DemonÃÂ."
102. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1987), "Guilio Aleni et ÃÂeÃÂ relationÃÂ danÃÂ le milieu deÃÂ lettrÃÂ©ÃÂ chinoiÃÂ au XVIIe ÃÂiÃÂ¨cle," which includeÃÂ a ÃÂpecial focuÃÂ on the "practice of religiouÃÂ life" (pp. 116-118).
103. ÃÂ ee, e.g., the multiple referenceÃÂ in ZÃÂ¼rcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity" or ZÃÂ¼rcher (2001), "Key Theological IÃÂÃÂueÃÂ."
104. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 12.
105. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2007), BreÃÂcia ÃÂpeech
106. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1962), Dialoog der miÃÂverÃÂtanden, p. 21.
107. ÃÂ ee earlier quote from ZÃÂ¼rcher (1980), "BuddhiÃÂm in a Pre-Modern Bureaucratic Empire," p. 411. The combination of inÃÂtitutional and perÃÂonal aÃÂpectÃÂ can be found in an article titled "AlienÃÂ and ReÃÂpected GueÃÂtÃÂ: The Role of Foreign MonkÃÂ in Early ChineÃÂe BuddhiÃÂm," TranÃÂaction of the International Conference of EaÃÂtern ÃÂ tudieÃÂ [KokuÃÂai TÃ ÂhÃ Â GakuÃÂha Kaigi KiyÃ Â KiyÃ Â Ã¥ÂÂ½Ã©ÂÂÃ¦ÂÂ±Ã¦ÂÂ¹Ã¥ÂÂ¦Ã¨ÂÂ Ã¤Â¼ÂÃ¨ÂÂ°Ã§Â´ÂÃ¨Â¦Â] 40 (1995): 67-92: (p. 92; quoted in Ad Dudink, pp. 5-6).
108. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2007), BreÃÂcia ÃÂpeech.
109. (2008), "In Memoriam Erik ZÃÂ¼rcher"; ZÃÂ¼rcher (1995), "Over het werk van Jonathan D. ÃÂ pence", Den Haag: NOW, 1995, pp. 29-38, p. 33; at the occaÃÂion of the fourth NWO/HuygenÃÂlecture, with J. ÃÂ pence aÃÂ gueÃÂt.
110. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1962), Dialoog der miÃÂverÃÂtanden, pp. 8-9; ZÃÂ¼rcher (1993), "'ConfucianiÃÂm for Development'?" p. 3.
111. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1995), "Over het werk van Jonathan D. ÃÂ pence," pp. 34-35ff. ZÃÂ¼rcher alÃÂo argueÃÂ that the level of confuÃÂion and miÃÂunderÃÂtanding increaÃÂeÃÂ when the termÃÂ are abÃÂtract and decreaÃÂeÃÂ when they are concrete.
112. TeiÃÂer, pp. xxiv-xxv.
113. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1962), Dialoog der miÃÂverÃÂtanden, pp. 28-29.
114. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2004), "TranÃÂcultural Imaging"; ÃÂee alÃÂo ZÃÂ¼rcher (2001), "China and the WeÃÂt."
115. ZÃÂ¼rcher (2004), "TranÃÂcultural Imaging," p. 160.
116. For an EngliÃÂh verÃÂion of hiÃÂ analyÃÂiÃÂ, ÃÂee ZÃÂ¼rcher (1994), "Middle-ClaÃÂÃÂ Ambivalence: ReligiouÃÂ AttitudeÃÂ in the DianÃÂhizhai huabao", ÃÂtudeÃÂ chinoiÃÂeÃÂ 13, no. 1-2 (1994): 109-43; it doeÃÂ not includeÃÂ hiÃÂ perÃÂonal commentÃÂ pronounced at hiÃÂ final ÃÂpeech.
117. ZÃÂ¼rcher (1993), "'ConfucianiÃÂm for Development'?" p. 27.
118. ÃÂ ee alÃÂo Dudink (2008), "In memoriam Erik ZÃÂ¼rcher," pp. 11-15. [End Page 502]