Erik Zürcher'ààtudy of ChriÃÂtianity in àeventeenth-Century China
An Intellectual Portrait
Introduction
On àeptember 12, 2007, a few monthàbefore hiàdeath, Erik Zürcher (àeptember 13, 1928-February 7, 2008) waàhonored in BreÃÂcia, Italy, the native town of the JeÃÂuit miÃÂÃÂionary Giulio Aleni about whom Zürcher had written ÃÂo much. The occaÃÂion waàthe recent publication of hiàÃÂecond opuàmagnum: the tranÃÂlation of Kouduo richao å£é¸æÂ¥æ (Diary of Oral AdmonitionÃÂ, 2007). Thiàappeared nearly fifty yearàafter hiàfirÃÂt major work, The BuddhiÃÂt ConqueÃÂt of China (1959, 1975, and 2007). At that celebration, Zürcher did not give a ÃÂcholarly lecture; inÃÂtead he ÃÂhared ÃÂome perÃÂonal remarkàon the reaÃÂoning behind hiàlaÃÂt project. In theÃÂe remarkàhe actually put hiàrecent work into the context of hiàwhole ÃÂcholarly accompliÃÂhment.
The ÃÂtarting point that Zürcher raiÃÂed waàhow hiàreÃÂearch field changed from the hiÃÂtory of early ChineÃÂe BuddhiÃÂm to the hiÃÂtory of the early ChriÃÂtian miÃÂÃÂion in China.1
In hiàeyeÃÂ, "although it lookà[like] a rather draÃÂtic change, it iàin fact more apparent than real." àince hiàÃÂenior ÃÂtudent dayÃÂ, he had become faÃÂcinated by the "mechaniÃÂm of cultural interaction," that iÃÂ, "the way cultureàand civiliÃÂationàinfluence each other and in doing ÃÂo enrich each other." Being a ÃÂinologiÃÂt, that iÃÂ, ÃÂomeone who ÃÂtudieàfirÃÂt and foremoÃÂt premodern China or early China, "the choice waàrather obviouÃÂ, ÃÂince BuddhiÃÂm waàafter all in early ChineÃÂe civiliÃÂation by far the moÃÂt important influence from abroad. Coming from India and Central AÃÂia in the early middle ageÃÂ, it underwent a whole proceÃÂàof abÃÂorption or adaptation." Thiàwaàexactly what Zürcher wanted to ÃÂtudy. In hiàown wordÃÂ, he waànot intereÃÂted in dogmatic or purely doctrinal BuddhiÃÂm, but in the queÃÂtion, "What makeàthe proceÃÂàwork?" In the many yearàthat he worked along thoÃÂe lineÃÂ, he felt that he ÃÂtarted to recognize certain mechaniÃÂmàand certain forceàthat were at work, ranging from total rejection to total acceptance, including ÃÂelection, change, and all kindàof other aÃÂpectÃÂ. He conÃÂidered it an immenÃÂely complicated proceÃÂÃÂ. What waàlacking, however, waàa matter of compariÃÂon. "At ÃÂome lucky moment," ÃÂayàZürcher, he realized that he could find a ÃÂimilar ÃÂubject in the way ChriÃÂtianity came from Europe to China in the late ÃÂixteenth and early ÃÂeventeenth centurieÃÂ, and how it waàreceived by and indebted to the ChineÃÂe environment. That iàpreciÃÂely what he did with hiàreÃÂearch on ChriÃÂtianity. Thiàiàthe background of the ÃÂhift in attention from BuddhiÃÂm to ChriÃÂtianity, which ià"not ÃÂo much a ÃÂhift but another application of the ÃÂame model." [End Page 476]
ÃÂ tudying China'ÃÂ Reaction to Foreign ReligionÃÂ
The opening ÃÂection of hiàÃÂpeech giveàÃÂome clueàfor underÃÂtanding Zürcher'àchoice for the ÃÂtudy of ChriÃÂtianity in China. Initially, he waàintereÃÂted in neither ChriÃÂtianity nor BuddhiÃÂm aàÃÂuch, and he waànever really tempted by the thought or even devotional practice of theÃÂe religionÃÂ. He waàrather faÃÂcinated by the phenomenon of cultural interaction that theÃÂe religionàprovoked. In an interview ÃÂerieàwith WeÃÂtern ÃÂinologiÃÂtàin 1989 titled "When WeÃÂt MeetàEaÃÂt," Erik Zürcher conceded that the ÃÂubject of hiàreÃÂearch ÃÂomehow had been "when eaÃÂt meetàweÃÂt": "My reÃÂearch haàmainly been on the hiÃÂtory of the relationÃÂhip between China and the outÃÂide world, not juÃÂt between China and Europe but between China and the whole world." When the interviewer aÃÂked, "The hiÃÂtory of both BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity in China fallàwithin the field of religion. Why did you chooÃÂe thiàÃÂubject? Are you religiouàyourÃÂelf?" Zürcher anÃÂwered:
Not really, not very clearly. I am not really that ideological and church going. But it'ÃÂ a matter of intereÃÂt and that iÃÂ what intereÃÂtÃÂ me. EÃÂpecially foreign thingÃÂ. And from the point of view of China, both BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity are foreign religionÃÂ. I believe that ChineÃÂe culture ÃÂhowÃÂ itÃÂ featureÃÂ moÃÂt clearly when it iÃÂ confronted with ÃÂomething from outÃÂide. It'ÃÂ like people in conflict-when you're quarrelling with your neighbour, you may ÃÂay thingÃÂ and ÃÂhow thingÃÂ about your character that you otherwiÃÂe never would. In the ÃÂame way, the ChineÃÂe have ÃÂhown certain characteriÃÂtic featureÃÂ in their reactionÃÂ to BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity.
For inÃÂtance, the ChineÃÂe have never believed in the creation of heaven and earth by the godÃÂ; there waàjuÃÂt hua Ã¥ÂÂ, a force that came about and evolved. ào when the JeÃÂuitàcame and ÃÂaid that God created the world in ÃÂeven dayÃÂ, they ÃÂtarted writing, "You're crazy. How can you believe that?" And the ÃÂame with BuddhiÃÂm. They reacted againÃÂt BuddhiÃÂm by putting forward all kindàof argumentàthat they never would have expreÃÂÃÂed if they hadn't been challenged by it.2
Thiàinterview and the BreÃÂcia talk underline ÃÂome further aÃÂpectàof Zürcher'àgeneral intereÃÂt. He clearly defineàhimÃÂelf aàa ÃÂinologiÃÂt aàhe writeàelÃÂewhere: "àinology iàconcerned with (premodern) China. Whatever we are doing, ChineÃÂe culture (including the way ChineÃÂe traditional culture reacted to the intruÃÂion of complex ÃÂyÃÂtemàfrom abroad) ÃÂhould alwayàbe the primary focuàof reÃÂearch."3 Within thiàintereÃÂt in China, it iàcharacteriÃÂtic of hiàapproach to have choÃÂen the "ChineÃÂe reaction" to foreign religionàaàthe major axiàto underÃÂtand China. ThiàiàalÃÂo the paradigm ÃÂhift to which he contributed in the field of the ÃÂtudy of ChriÃÂtianity in China. He deÃÂcribed it aàa ÃÂhift "from the miÃÂÃÂiological approach of 'JeÃÂuit ÃÂtudieÃÂ' to reÃÂearch on xixue 西å¸ 'WeÃÂtern àtudieÃÂ,'" that iÃÂ, the wayàand the cultural environment in which a whole range of ideaàof WeÃÂtern origin waàpropagated and adapted to ChineÃÂe taÃÂte, and the [End Page 477] ChineÃÂe reaction to it.4 In hiàopinion, with thiàÃÂhift, the field "haàreturned to the very heart of ÃÂinology":
For the ChineÃÂe ÃÂourceÃÂ, and eÃÂpecially thoÃÂe produced by ChineÃÂe pro- and anti-xixue authorÃÂ, allow uàto contribute to anÃÂwering a number of moÃÂt eÃÂÃÂential queÃÂtionàregarding ChineÃÂe literati culture itÃÂelf. In ÃÂometimeàvery unexpected wayàit can ÃÂhed light upon fundamental iÃÂÃÂueàÃÂuch aàthe role of perÃÂonal religion in the life and thought of memberàof the elite; the role played by ÃÂin, guilt and confeÃÂÃÂion in a Confucian context; the functioning of literati networkàorganiÃÂed aàreligiouàcongregationÃÂ; and the definition of "orthodoxy" (zheng æ£) in late imperial timeÃÂ.5
The reaÃÂon Zürcher choÃÂe religionàaàÃÂubject of ÃÂtudy iàthat, in hiàeyeÃÂ, the two fieldàof culture and religion are linked:
TheÃÂe two fieldÃÂ cannot be ÃÂeparated. Every religion operateÃÂ within a given cultural context and expreÃÂÃÂeÃÂ itÃÂelf in termÃÂ of that culture; every culture iÃÂ held together by a unifying ÃÂet of beliefÃÂ, dogmaÃÂ and preconceptionÃÂ, religiouÃÂ or ideological. In my preÃÂent talk [on tranÃÂcultural imaging] I have tried to illuÃÂtrate how culture and religion merge into a ÃÂingle continuum.6
ThiàÃÂtatement reflectàa certain dialectic that iàalÃÂo echoed in Zürcher'àwritingÃÂ. While hiàfocuàwaàa better underÃÂtanding of ChineÃÂe culture, hiàwritingÃÂ, in effect, alÃÂo tell a lot about ChriÃÂtianity or BuddhiÃÂm through their encounter with a foreign culture. For inÃÂtance, Zürcher'àwritingàon ChriÃÂtianity regularly contain an explicit compariÃÂon with BuddhiÃÂm, to the extent that they both deÃÂcribe in a ÃÂynthetic way eÃÂÃÂential characteriÃÂticàof BuddhiÃÂt thought or practice. Thiàpertainàto a wide variety of topicàÃÂuch aà"ÃÂubÃÂtance and function" in Mahayana BuddhiÃÂm, BuddhiÃÂt ontology7 or BuddhiÃÂt chanhui æºæ (confeÃÂÃÂion).8 In certain caÃÂeÃÂ, BuddhiÃÂm iàrevealed through anti-BuddhiÃÂt argumentÃÂ, by both the JeÃÂuitàand convertÃÂ.9
UÃÂe of ChineÃÂe Primary ÃÂ ourceÃÂ
There iàÃÂtill another reaÃÂon, aÃÂide from the comparative reaÃÂon, why Zürcher waàfaÃÂcinated by the topic of ChriÃÂtianity in China in the ÃÂeventeenth and eighteenth centurieÃÂ, and that iàthe richneÃÂàof the materialàof the documentation. In hiàopinion, "there iàno other marginal ÃÂmall foreign religion that haàhad thiàimmenÃÂe coverage"10:
The intereÃÂt of the ÃÂubject aÃÂ a field of hiÃÂtorical reÃÂearch therefore doeÃÂ not lie in the magnitude of the phenomenon, nor in itÃÂ laÃÂting impact. ItÃÂ unique value lieÃÂ in the fact that it probably iÃÂ the beÃÂt documented caÃÂe of intercultural contact in pre-modern ChineÃÂe hiÃÂtory (and probably in pre-modern world hiÃÂtory). The richneÃÂÃÂ, and, above all, the diverÃÂity of the ÃÂourceÃÂ of information iÃÂ extraordinary. In ChineÃÂe hiÃÂtory of before the Opium War there iÃÂ no religiouÃÂ movement of foreign origin-BuddhiÃÂm not excluded-that can be ÃÂtudied and analyÃÂed from ÃÂo man angleÃÂ.11 [End Page 478]
Zürcher belongàto the European tradition in ÃÂinology in which textual ÃÂourceàare very important-a characteriÃÂtic he ÃÂhared with hiàteacher of ChineÃÂe Jan J. L. Duyvendak (1889-1954)-and one findàa wealth of referenceàto primary ÃÂourceàin all hiàpublicationÃÂ. It iàhiàmerit to have brought the importance of the ChineÃÂe ÃÂourceàto the core of the field. Moreover, Zürcher ÃÂaw the acquiÃÂition and compilation of a bibliographical ÃÂurvey aàreÃÂearch in itÃÂelf.12 Hiàearly draftàand bibliographical liÃÂtàgave birth to the Bibliography of the JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in China, ca. 1580-ca. 1680 (Leiden: Centre of Non-WeÃÂtern àtudieÃÂ, 1991; with N. àtandaert and A. Dudink) and to what haànow become the "ChineÃÂe ChriÃÂtian TextàdatabaÃÂe," which includeàmore than one thouÃÂand ChineÃÂe primary ÃÂourceàand four thouÃÂand ÃÂecondary ÃÂourceàin variouàlanguageàon ChriÃÂtianity in China in the ÃÂeventeenth and eighteenth centurieÃÂ.13
It iàpreciÃÂely thiàconcern and carefulneÃÂàabout ÃÂourceàthat alÃÂo enabled him to bring unique and marginal ÃÂourceàto the attention of the field. ThiàiàÃÂhown by a ÃÂignificant number of articleÃÂ, each of which take one particular ÃÂource aàtheir baÃÂiÃÂ: Li Jiugong'àæÂÂä¹Âå collection of edifying and miracle ÃÂtorieàLixiu yijian åµè©ä¸Âé (A Mirror of EarneÃÂt àelf-Cultivation, 1639 or 1645)14; àhenÃÂi lu æ ÂæÂÂé (A Record of MeditationÃÂ, 1682), a unique "ego-document" by the ÃÂame author15; Renhui yue ä»ÂæÂÂç´ (àtatuteàof the Humanitarian àociety, ca. 1634), which are the ÃÂtatuteàof a ChineÃÂe ChriÃÂtian charitable aÃÂÃÂociation compiled by Wang Zheng çÂÂå¾µ16; DuoÃÂhu é¸æ¸ (Book of Admonition, ca. 1641), an attempt to introduce ChriÃÂtian ideaàinto the official ÃÂyÃÂtem of Confucian indoctrination, the community compact (xiangyue éÂÂç´Â) compiled by Han Lin éÂÂé and otherÃÂ17; Pixue 茸 (àcience of CompariÃÂon, 1633), an expoÃÂition on the importance, function, and ÃÂtructure of the rhetoric device of "compariÃÂon" by the Italian miÃÂÃÂionary AlfonÃÂo Vagnone18; àiji Ai xianÃÂheng xingji æÂÂÃ¥ÂÂè¾ å ÂçÂÂè¡Âè·¡ (The Life of MaÃÂter Ai [ÃÂtyled] àiji, c. 1650), Giulio Aleni'àChineÃÂe biography19; and hiàfinal work on Li Jiubiao'àæÂÂä¹Â樠Kouduo richao å£é¸æÂ¥æ (Diary of Oral AdmonitionÃÂ, 1630-1640).20 TheÃÂe titleàÃÂhow the wide variety of topicàthat were touched upon: moral and meditative textÃÂ, perÃÂonal biographieàand ÃÂocial organizationÃÂ, and miracleàÃÂtorieàand rhetoric deviceÃÂ. Noteworthy iàthat tranÃÂlation waàpart of thiàencounter with the ÃÂource and that moÃÂt of theÃÂe articleàare accompanied by lengthy tranÃÂlationàof the primary ÃÂource, the full tranÃÂlation of Kouduo richao being the culmination. àome tranÃÂlationàare alÃÂo into Dutch, ÃÂuch aàthe tranÃÂlation of two of Xu Guangqi'àå¾Âå Âå (1562-1633) poemÃÂ, Zhengdao tigang æ£éÂÂé¡Â綱 and Guijie zhenzan è¦Â誡箴è´Â,21 or the tranÃÂlation of fragmentàfrom the ChineÃÂe official documentàconcerning Kangxi and the papal legateà(1707-1721).22
DeÃÂpite hiàpreference for ChineÃÂe ÃÂourceÃÂ, Zürcher ÃÂometimeàtook the juxtapoÃÂition of WeÃÂtern with ChineÃÂe ÃÂourceàaàhiàprimary object of reÃÂearch. Thiàwaàthe caÃÂe with the Relação da perda e deÃÂtituição da Provincia e ChriÃÂtiandade de àu Chuen e do que oàpeà(1649), a manuÃÂcript on the maÃÂàkillingàin [End Page 479] àichuan in the 1640àby the JeÃÂuit miÃÂÃÂionary Gabriel de Magalhãeà(1609-1677). In the article devoted to it, Zürcher inÃÂiÃÂted on the complementarity of hiÃÂtorical ÃÂourceÃÂ:
There iàevery reaÃÂon to accept the report aàbaÃÂically reliable. A ÃÂtrong argument in favour of it iàthe fact that the JeÃÂuit ÃÂtory in all eÃÂÃÂentialÃÂ, and ÃÂometimeàin ÃÂurpriÃÂing detail, iàconfirmed by the ChineÃÂe ÃÂourceÃÂ. In quite a number of caÃÂeÃÂ, an incidental remark made by Magalhãeàonly revealàitàtrue ÃÂignificance if matched with information from ChineÃÂe accountÃÂ; ÃÂometimeàdiÃÂparate data come to form a coherent picture if they are complemented with external information.23
It ÃÂhould be pointed out that Erik Zürcher alÃÂo paid attention to viÃÂual and material ÃÂourceàin the ChineÃÂe-WeÃÂtern exchange. One of the ChineÃÂe adaptationàof the Nadal printàuÃÂed to hang in hiàoffice at the àinological InÃÂtitute in Leiden. The topic of viÃÂuality waàpart of hiàcourÃÂe called "ViÃÂual PreÃÂentation of ChineÃÂe HiÃÂtory." He alÃÂo devoted one article to "printàand painting."24
Further Elaboration of Initial IntuitionÃÂ
Zürcher'àÃÂelf-reflection in BreÃÂcia may give the impreÃÂÃÂion that hiàlater work on ChriÃÂtianity waàmerely a repetition of hiàearly work on BuddhiÃÂm. A cloÃÂer look at hiàwritingÃÂ, however, revealàthat he elaborated on hiàinitial intuitionàconÃÂiderably. In order to ÃÂhow how hiàideaàdeveloped, the following pageàwill preÃÂent an intellectual portrait of Erik Zürcher, by focuÃÂing on hiàÃÂtudy of ChriÃÂtianity in ÃÂeventeenth-century China. For biographical data, one may refer to ÃÂeveral obituarieàwritten by hiàcolleagueàor ÃÂtudentÃÂ.25 With regard to Zürcher'àpublicationàaàa whole, one may notice that about half of ÃÂome ÃÂixty total publicationàby hiàhand are devoted to ChriÃÂtianity in China. They can be ÃÂituated in the later part of hiàÃÂcholarly life, ÃÂince nearly two-thirdàwere publiÃÂhed after hiàretirement in 1993. It iàevidently impoÃÂÃÂible to ÃÂummarize them in a ÃÂhort article, and, therefore, thiàcontribution will merely try to deÃÂcribe ÃÂome major lineàin the great variety of topicàtreated and methodàemployed by Zürcher. Echoing the excellent article by àtephen F. TeiÃÂer, mainly devoted to Zürcher'àÃÂtudy of BuddhiÃÂm in early medieval China and included in the third edition of The BuddhiÃÂt ConqueÃÂt of China,26 thiàarticle traceàZürcher'àcontribution in three domainàof ÃÂtudy: the interaction between cultureÃÂ, the ÃÂocial hiÃÂtory of religion, and the phenomenon of a living religion.
MechaniÃÂmÃÂ of Cultural Interaction
An initial way to look at Zürcher'àÃÂtudy of ChriÃÂtianity in China iàthrough hiàendeavor to analyze it aàa caÃÂe of interaction between cultureÃÂ.27 In hiàeffort to underÃÂtand China, he conÃÂciouÃÂly choÃÂe the ChineÃÂe reaction to the coming of foreign religionàaàhiàmajor axiÃÂ. Moreover, he attempted to derive ÃÂome [End Page 480] mechaniÃÂmàof cultural interaction from the concrete caÃÂeàof China'àreaction to BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity.
In hiàBreÃÂcia ÃÂpeech, Zürcher referred to hiàearly intereÃÂt in theÃÂe mechaniÃÂmÃÂ. In thiàregard, hiàfriendÃÂhip and common intereÃÂtàwith Patrick Edward de JoÃÂÃÂelin de Jong (1922-1999), profeÃÂÃÂor of cultural anthropology, cannot be undereÃÂtimated.28 P. E. de JoÃÂÃÂelin de Jong (born of a ÃÂinologiÃÂt in Beijing) became the moÃÂt prominent repreÃÂentative of the Leiden tradition in ÃÂtructural anthropology and author of a book in Dutch titled Contact of the ContinentÃÂ: Contribution to the UnderÃÂtanding of Non-WeÃÂtern àocietieÃÂ, through which a generation of anthropologiÃÂtàin the Netherlandàwaàformed.29
Zürcher'àfirÃÂt and moÃÂt obviouàchoice for ÃÂtudying theÃÂe mechaniÃÂmàwaàBuddhiÃÂm, and, therefore, it iàrelevant to eÃÂtabliÃÂh a link between hiàwork on ChriÃÂtianity and that on BuddhiÃÂm. Thiàlink can be found in an overview titled "BuddhiÃÂm in a Pre-Modern Bureaucratic Empire: The ChineÃÂe Experience," to which Zürcher indirectly referàin hiàBreÃÂcia talk. Herein Zürcher ÃÂtateàthat in hiàeyeàthe ÃÂtudy of ChineÃÂe BuddhiÃÂm iàlargely a ÃÂtudy in acculturation. Taken aàa whole, ChineÃÂe BuddhiÃÂm can be regarded aàa claÃÂÃÂical illuÃÂtration of the proceÃÂàof cultural tranÃÂmiÃÂÃÂion and adaptation. Zürcher firÃÂt concentrateàon the ChineÃÂe "cultural environment," the "ChineÃÂe matrix" in which BuddhiÃÂm came to function. CautiouÃÂly but at the ÃÂame time audaciouÃÂly, he deÃÂcribeàin hiàcharacteriÃÂtically ÃÂynthetic way the major factoràthat were inÃÂtrumental in ÃÂhaping foreign religionÃÂ. They cover five fieldÃÂ, for each of which he giveàÃÂeveral illuÃÂtrationÃÂ: the political ÃÂyÃÂtem and ideology (e.g., the perÃÂiÃÂting ideal of a unified, centralized bureaucratic empire), ÃÂocial factorà(e.g., the family and well-ordered family life aàthe baÃÂiàof ÃÂociety), economic factorà(e.g., the ÃÂcarcity of manpower ÃÂubject to taxation and corvée labor), worldview and religion (e.g., diffuÃÂe and ritualized religion), and literary and educational factorà(e.g., ÃÂtandardization of literary and ÃÂcholaÃÂtic training due to the examination ÃÂyÃÂtem).30 Next he concentrateàon "typeàof integration." If ChineÃÂe BuddhiÃÂm can, to a large extent, be analyzed in termàof reÃÂponÃÂe to environmental factorÃÂ, thiàdoeànot mean that one can do ÃÂo on the baÃÂiàof one ÃÂingle model of integration. "The whole proceÃÂàiàfar too complicated to be explained by one ÃÂingle mechaniÃÂm of cultural tranÃÂmiÃÂÃÂion." That iàwhy, for the purpoÃÂe of analyÃÂiÃÂ, he defined the variouàÃÂelective mechaniÃÂmàthat were at work in the formation of ChineÃÂe BuddhiÃÂm, ranging from total abÃÂorption to total rejection, with all the intermediary typeàof adoption, ÃÂelection, and change of emphaÃÂiÃÂ, reÃÂtructuring, compartmentalization, hybridization, and ÃÂtimulated development.31
Zürcher fully admitted that the analytical treatment of ChineÃÂe BuddhiÃÂm in termàof cultural interaction and typeàof reÃÂponÃÂe iàa ÃÂomewhat one-ÃÂided approach that will never be able to ÃÂupplant other typeàof deÃÂcription. [End Page 481]
By itÃÂ emphaÃÂiÃÂ on environmental aÃÂpectÃÂ it iÃÂ bound to ÃÂtreÃÂÃÂ function rather than content. If applied mechanically, it can eaÃÂily lead to barren determiniÃÂm, and it deliberately overlookÃÂ the influence that great individual mindÃÂ and perÃÂonalitieÃÂ may have on the courÃÂe of eventÃÂ. It may, however, have ÃÂome uÃÂe aÃÂ an inÃÂtrument for comparative analyÃÂiÃÂ.32
It iÃÂ preciÃÂely the ÃÂearch for a comparative caÃÂe of cultural interaction that encouraged him to engage in the ÃÂtudy of ChriÃÂtianity, thiÃÂ other foreign religion in China, aÃÂ clearly ÃÂtated in hiÃÂ BreÃÂcia talk. And within the ÃÂtudy of ChriÃÂtianity, hiÃÂ primary attention went to "the ChineÃÂe cultural environment and the ChineÃÂe reaction" that had ÃÂo often been underexpoÃÂed.33 ThiÃÂ approach iÃÂ a thread through all hiÃÂ writingÃÂ on ChriÃÂtianity. HiÃÂ very firÃÂt article on the anti-ChriÃÂtian movement of Nanjing (1616-1621) endÃÂ with the remark that the perÃÂecution may ÃÂerve aÃÂ a clear illuÃÂtration of ÃÂome important aÃÂpect of "the mechaniÃÂm of acculturation."34 And the opening ÃÂentenceÃÂ of hiÃÂ final work are equally illuÃÂtrative:
Among the dozenÃÂ of textÃÂ by late Ming and early Qing convertÃÂ it [= Kouduo richao] ÃÂtandÃÂ out aÃÂ the only ÃÂource that allowÃÂ uÃÂ a glimpÃÂe of JeÃÂuit miÃÂÃÂionary practice-"accommodation in action"-and of the variouÃÂ reÃÂponÃÂeÃÂ of their ChineÃÂe audience, both convertÃÂ and intereÃÂted outÃÂiderÃÂ. It alÃÂo ÃÂhowÃÂ uÃÂ the working of the underlying proceÃÂÃÂeÃÂ of ÃÂelection, adaptation and integration by which, in the milieu of local Confucian eliteÃÂ, the foreign creed waÃÂ tranÃÂformed into a marginal ChineÃÂe minority religion.35
In BreÃÂcia, after all theÃÂe yearÃÂ of ÃÂtudy, he came to the following concluÃÂion: "More importantly, to my ÃÂatiÃÂfaction I ÃÂaw that I recogniÃÂed more or leÃÂÃÂ the ÃÂame mechaniÃÂmÃÂ, the ÃÂame model of cultural interaction [aÃÂ in the caÃÂe of BuddhiÃÂm]. It waÃÂ aÃÂ if one model could be applied to different wayÃÂ."
ThiàÃÂearch for the mechaniÃÂmàand the correÃÂpondence with the caÃÂe of BuddhiÃÂm explainàwhy in many of Zürcher'àarticleàone findàa wide variety of key conceptàthat explain the complex proceÃÂàof tranÃÂmiÃÂÃÂion of ChriÃÂtianity in China. àome conceptàare exactly the ÃÂame aàthe oneàexpoÃÂed in hiàarticle on "BuddhiÃÂm in a Pre-Modern Bureaucratic Empire"36: (total) abÃÂorption or (complete) acceptance,37 adoption,38 ÃÂelection and change of emphaÃÂiÃÂ,39 hybridization,40 (total) rejection.41 Otheràare clearly further elaborationàof the typology: adaptation or accommodation,42 contextualization,43 redefinition,44 ÃÂpontaneouàdiffuÃÂion and guided propagation,45 contact expanÃÂion,46 croÃÂÃÂ-cultural ÃÂedimentation,47 inÃÂtitutional channeling,48 and cultural equivalence.49
TheÃÂe conceptàof mechaniÃÂmàof cultural interaction, however, do not function on their own. What iàcharacteriÃÂtic of Zürcher'àapproach iàthe cloÃÂe interplay between the ÃÂourceàand theÃÂe analytical conceptÃÂ. He did not limit himÃÂelf ÃÂimply to deÃÂcribing hiÃÂtorical eventÃÂ; he alÃÂo analyzed and linked them to an interpretative ÃÂcheme or concept of cultural interaction. LikewiÃÂe, he would rarely propoÃÂe an interpretation of a general type without giving a concrete [End Page 482] example. It iàtrue that he expreÃÂÃÂed reÃÂervation toward theorieàbecauÃÂe "what preÃÂentàitÃÂelf aàa theory frequently laÃÂtàa remarkably ÃÂhort time."50 In hiàtextÃÂ, one will, therefore, rarely find referenceàto major theoretical writingÃÂ, although in the field of ÃÂocial hiÃÂtory, he felt at eaÃÂe with ideaàof ÃÂcholaràÃÂuch aàC. K. Yang51 or Max Weber.52 He dealt with theory by providing ÃÂcholaràwith analytical conceptàthat initiated "a new way of looking at thingÃÂ" and ÃÂo opened "people'àeyeàto ÃÂtudy phenomena, relationÃÂhipàand ÃÂtructureàthat until then had not received much attention."53 In fact, theÃÂe conceptual and analytical inÃÂightàare not limited to the mechaniÃÂmàof cultural interaction. They alÃÂo pertain to the fieldàof ChineÃÂe culture and religion, and of ChriÃÂtianity in China.
A nice example of ÃÂuch interplay between ÃÂource and analytical concept iàZürcher'àarticle "The Lord of Heaven and the DemonÃÂ: àtrange àtorieàfrom a Late Ming ChriÃÂtian ManuÃÂcript." After a detailed typology of the different ÃÂtorieàin Li xiu yi jian and ÃÂeven pageàof tranÃÂlationà(with only "minimal annotation," according to Zürcher), he comeàto a concluÃÂion that iàrelevant not only to the ÃÂtudy of ÃÂeventeenth-century ChriÃÂtianity but alÃÂo to the ÃÂtudy of religion in China aàÃÂuch. In hiàeyeÃÂ, the emphaÃÂiàon practical applicability aàrevealed by theÃÂe textàiàone of the moÃÂt ÃÂalient featureàof late Ming ChriÃÂtianity aàa whole:
The idea that the excellence of ChriÃÂtianity lieÃÂ, above all, in itàÃÂuperiority aàa tool for the improvement of ÃÂtate and ÃÂociety iàfound everywhere in the writingàof prominent ChriÃÂtian literati. Here, at a much lower level of expreÃÂÃÂion, we find the ÃÂame conviction that a religion proveàitàworth by the immediate efficacy (you xiao æÂÂæÂÂ) of itàritualÃÂ. In moÃÂt caÃÂeàthe proven efficacy of theÃÂe ritualÃÂ, the happy diÃÂcovery that "they work," appearàto be the primary motive for converÃÂion. It iàyet another manifeÃÂtation of the general ChineÃÂe tendency to reduce a religion to a method, a "technique" (ÃÂhu è¡Â).54
It iàpreciÃÂely Zürcher'àacquaintance with the early ÃÂtageàof BuddhiÃÂm in China, and even with BuddhiÃÂt-TaoiÃÂt exchangeÃÂ, that allowed him not only to analyze mechaniÃÂmàof cultural interaction in ChriÃÂtianity, but alÃÂo to elaborate conceptàof thiàinteraction that are valid for the conÃÂiÃÂtent ChineÃÂe reaction to the other foreign religionàaàwell. Probably the beÃÂt illuÃÂtration of thiàapproach with implicationàfor other fieldà(in ÃÂinology) iàhià"JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative." Thiàarticle can be conÃÂidered a required reading for anyone intereÃÂted in the topic of foreign religionàin China. It waàhiàcontribution for the ÃÂympoÃÂium "àignificance of the ChineÃÂe RiteàControverÃÂy in àino-WeÃÂtern HiÃÂtory" (October 16-18, 1992), at which he wanted to diÃÂcuÃÂàmatteràother than the apologetic queÃÂtion of whether "Ricci waàright."55 In contraÃÂt, hiàarticle raiÃÂeàthe queÃÂtion whether late Ming and early Qing ChriÃÂtianity waà"an anomaly" in defining and redefining itÃÂelf viÃÂ-à -viàthe dominant, central tradition of ConfucianiÃÂm, or whether it did "fit into a [End Page 483] (ÃÂtructural) pattern."56 Four conceptàemerge from hiàanalyÃÂiÃÂ, which appear in many of hiàother writingÃÂ.
FirÃÂt, he callàChriÃÂtianity-like JudaiÃÂm, IÃÂlam, and early BuddhiÃÂm, to which he compareàit-a "marginal religion."57 In fact, he never gave a clear definition of thiàterm: it certainly referàto the fact that in quantitative termàtheÃÂe religionàwere "an abÃÂolutely marginal phenomenon,"58 but it alÃÂo referàto the fact that they were, to a certain extent, on the margin of ChineÃÂe ÃÂociety.59 In other caÃÂeÃÂ, Zürcher uÃÂeàthe term "minority religion,"60 and, in at leaÃÂt one caÃÂe, both expreÃÂÃÂionàappear in the ÃÂame text: tranÃÂformation into a "marginal ChineÃÂe minority religion."61 In thiàRiteàControverÃÂy article, the ÃÂearch for patternàiànot limited to the caÃÂeàof BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity but alÃÂo extended to JudaiÃÂm and IÃÂlam. At other occaÃÂionÃÂ, he dealt with JudaiÃÂm aàwell,62 while hiàcompariÃÂonàwith IÃÂlam remained rather limited.63
In a further ÃÂtep, by analyzing the patternàof reÃÂponÃÂe of theÃÂe religionàto ChineÃÂe ÃÂociety, Zürcher diÃÂcernàthe phenomenon typical of China that he callà"cultural imperative"64:
[N]o marginal religion penetrating from the outÃÂide could expect to take root in China (at leaÃÂt at the ÃÂocial level) unleÃÂàit conformed to that pattern that in late imperial timeàwaàmore clearly defined than ever. ConfucianiÃÂm repreÃÂented what iàzheng æ£, 'orthodox' in a religiouÃÂ, ritual, ÃÂocial, and political ÃÂenÃÂe; in order not to be branded aàxie éª, 'heterodox' and to be treated aàa ÃÂubverÃÂive ÃÂect, a marginal religion had to prove that it waàon the ÃÂide of zheng.
AàÃÂuch Zürcher ÃÂyntheÃÂizeàtheir reÃÂponÃÂe in one general analytical concept. Next, thiàimperative findàexpreÃÂÃÂion in ÃÂome patternàthat belong to "a deep ÃÂtructure in ChineÃÂe religiouàlife in late imperial China": (1) emphaÃÂizing the congruity and complete compatibility between the minority religion and ConfucianiÃÂm; (2) the notion of complementarity, the foreign creed ÃÂerving to enrich and fulfill the Confucian doctrine; (3) the tendency to baÃÂe the exiÃÂtence of the foreign doctrine upon hiÃÂtorical precedent, ÃÂometimeàreaching back to the very beginning of ChineÃÂe civilization, and (4) the adoption of ChineÃÂe moreàand ritualÃÂ, combined with a few fundamental beliefàand practiceàbelonging to the foreign religion (in other wordÃÂ, a marked tendency toward reductioniÃÂm aàfar aàthe foreign religion and way of life are concerned).65 Zürcher recognizeàtheÃÂe patternàin the way in which ÃÂinicized marginal religionàof foreign origin adapted themÃÂelveàto the central ideology of ConfucianiÃÂm.
Finally, Zürcher alÃÂo conceptualizeàÃÂpecific traitàof ChriÃÂtianity in China. He conÃÂiderà"Confucian monotheiÃÂm"66 one of the eÃÂÃÂential characteriÃÂticàof late Ming and early Qing ChriÃÂtianity. ThiàexpreÃÂÃÂion referàto the fact that in the writingàof ChineÃÂe literati, the Lord of Heaven playàan all-important role. Convertàfully accepted the idea that the belief in a perÃÂonalized God iàrooted [End Page 484] in original ConfucianiÃÂm, which iàa variety of "original monotheiÃÂm," and that thiàconÃÂtituteàthe common point of departure for both creedÃÂ.67 Aàa reÃÂult, in their textàthe perÃÂon of JeÃÂuàiàoverÃÂhadowed and only a ÃÂecondary role iàplayed by the Incarnation.68 There are alÃÂo ÃÂome caÃÂeàof what Zürcher callàtrue "Tianzhu-iÃÂm"69 in which the perÃÂon of JeÃÂuàdoeànot play any role at all. Thià"Confucian monotheiÃÂm" iàthe way ChineÃÂe ChriÃÂtian literati accommodated the JeÃÂuit input with their own traditional univerÃÂe of diÃÂcourÃÂe. Therefore, Zürcher feelàthat "we are juÃÂtified in treating thià'Confucian monotheiÃÂm' aàa phenomenon ÃÂui generiÃÂ, a recontextualized Catholic faith and we ÃÂhould interpret their writingàaàdocumentàof a ChineÃÂe marginal religion, in their own right."70 In hiàÃÂtudieàof writingàof ChineÃÂe convertÃÂ, Zürcher ÃÂhowàhow thiàdialogue between ChineÃÂe and miÃÂÃÂionarieàproduced a ÃÂophiÃÂticated and highly original hybrid: a monotheiÃÂtic and puriÃÂt verÃÂion of ConfucianiÃÂm, ÃÂtrongly oppoÃÂed to BuddhiÃÂm, TaoiÃÂm, and popular "ÃÂuperÃÂtition."71
Waàthere, then, nothing ÃÂpecific to ChriÃÂtianity in China compared to BuddhiÃÂm? Zürcher inÃÂiÃÂtàthat ChriÃÂtianity iàa "monopoliÃÂtic Mediterranean" religion.72 The Confucian concept of zheng iàof another order than the monopoliÃÂtic, all-incluÃÂive, Mediterranean type of orthodoxy, of which ChriÃÂtianity (in itàÃÂeventeenth-century, Roman Catholic, poÃÂt-Tridentine form) waàan outÃÂtanding example.73 àince Confucian orthodoxy iàlimited in itàcoverage, it could be "complemented" (buru è£ÂÃ¥ÂÂ) by religiouàelementàfrom outÃÂide: BuddhiÃÂt devotion and ÃÂoteriology, TaoiÃÂt magic and eubioticÃÂ, popular beliefàand ritualÃÂ, and, no doubt, alÃÂo by the doctrine of the Lord of Heaven. In thiàÃÂenÃÂe ChriÃÂtianity could indeed be "a ÃÂubÃÂtitute for BuddhiÃÂm" (yifo æÂÂä½Â). And he continueÃÂ:
But the adoption of ChriÃÂtianity actually went far beyond taking the place of ConfucianiÃÂm itÃÂelf. It waÃÂ not, like BuddhiÃÂm, an external religiouÃÂ ÃÂyÃÂtem in itÃÂ own right, that waÃÂ allowed to operate in the empty ÃÂpaceÃÂ not covered by Confucian orthodoxy; aÃÂ a monopoliÃÂtic religion, it claimed to cover the whole human experience. By merging with ConfucianiÃÂm, ChriÃÂtianity became a part of zheng-in fact, itÃÂ claim that it had come to purify ConfucianiÃÂm of later ÃÂuperÃÂtitiouÃÂ accretionÃÂ and to reÃÂtore original monotheiÃÂm implied that it waÃÂ more zheng than anything contemporary ConfucianiÃÂm could offer. ÃÂ uch claimÃÂ had never been made by any other alien religion in China-in that reÃÂpect it waÃÂ a new phenomenon in the hiÃÂtory of ChineÃÂe thought.74
Zürcher'àÃÂtudy of the mechaniÃÂmàof interaction haàencountered ÃÂome criticiÃÂm. àtephen TeiÃÂer pointàout that, deÃÂpite the ÃÂupple language adopted by Zürcher, "the concept of cultural conflict ÃÂtill preÃÂumeàa fundamental oppoÃÂition or difference between two diÃÂtinct entitieÃÂ." In the caÃÂe of ChriÃÂtianity in China, theÃÂe are "European ChriÃÂtianity" on the one hand and "Confucian China" on the other. He continueÃÂ: [End Page 485]
CurrentÃÂ of thought in the ÃÂocial ÃÂcienceÃÂ and the humanitieÃÂ over the paÃÂt twenty yearÃÂ have increaÃÂingly queÃÂtioned the applicability of the modern notion of the nation-ÃÂtate or national culture to pre-modern politieÃÂ, including India and China. The model of ÃÂ inification, no matter how refined, ÃÂtill relieÃÂ on a criterion of ChineÃÂeneÃÂÃÂ. That iÃÂ, by defining the ÃÂubject aÃÂ the proceÃÂÃÂ by which BuddhiÃÂm [or any other marginal religion] waÃÂ made ChineÃÂe, the ÃÂ inification paradigm aÃÂÃÂumeÃÂ rather than explainÃÂ what "ChineÃÂe" meanÃÂ.75
ThuÃÂ, likewiÃÂe aàin the caÃÂe of BuddhiÃÂm, further developmentàin the field of ChriÃÂtianity will extend ÃÂcholarly ÃÂuÃÂpicion about the ÃÂolidity of certain hypothetical entitieÃÂ. The advantage of Zürcher'àapproach, however, haàbeen that the conceptàhe developed at leaÃÂt help to diÃÂcover variety and multiplicity in the reactionàof a culture toward a foreign religion.
InÃÂtitutional Approach
A ÃÂecond way to approach Zürcher'àÃÂtudy of ChriÃÂtianity in China iàto look at it from the point of view of ÃÂocial hiÃÂtory. In hiàintroduction to the third edition of the BuddhiÃÂt ConqueÃÂt of China, àtephen F. TeiÃÂer argued that it would be a miÃÂtake to regard the ÃÂubject matter of the book aàÃÂimply ChineÃÂe BuddhiÃÂm. "The book haàimportant thingàto ÃÂay about how to ÃÂtudy religion, broadly conceived, and how to analyÃÂe the interaction between cultureÃÂ."76 LikewiÃÂe one could argue that Zürcher'àÃÂtudieàon ChriÃÂtianity ÃÂay important thingànot only about the interaction between cultureÃÂ, but alÃÂo about how to ÃÂtudy religion. What iàÃÂtriking in thiàregard iàhiàintereÃÂt in an inÃÂtitutional approach. Here the compariÃÂon with another important ÃÂcholar of both BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity in China may ÃÂerve aàa ÃÂtarting point.
Zürcher waàindeed not the only ÃÂcholar of BuddhiÃÂm in China who turned to the ÃÂtudy of ChriÃÂtianity in China. According to hiàown wordÃÂ, Zürcher himÃÂelf encouraged hiàcolleague JacqueàGernet (1921-) to inveÃÂtigate ChriÃÂtianity.77 Zürcher knew Gernet from hiàÃÂeveral periodàof ÃÂtudy of BuddhiÃÂm under Paul Demiéville (1894-1979) in Parià(in 1955, 1956, 1958). In 1956 (three yearàbefore The BuddhiÃÂt ConqueÃÂt), Gernet publiÃÂhed hiàmajor ÃÂtudy on the economic aÃÂpectàof BuddhiÃÂm in ChineÃÂe ÃÂociety from the fifth to the tenth century.78 He held the chair in the àocial and Intellectual HiÃÂtory of China at the Collège de France from 1975 and 1992 and ÃÂerved aàcoeditor with Zürcher of the ÃÂinological journal T'oung Pao. In 1982 Gernet publiÃÂhed Chine et chriÃÂtianiÃÂme: Action et réaction (later tranÃÂlated into EngliÃÂh, German, Italian, àpaniÃÂh, and ChineÃÂe). Zürcher, without doubt, admired the work of hiàcolleague,79 but at the ÃÂame time waàvery critical of it. In an elegant way, he ÃÂtated that "Prof. Gernet'àwork iàa great contribution to the field, not only by itàintrinÃÂic value and the quality of argumentation, but alÃÂo becauÃÂe partàof it are highly controverÃÂial. Itàpublication haàÃÂtirred up an international ÃÂcholarly diÃÂcuÃÂÃÂion that iàÃÂtill going on."80 [End Page 486]
Gernet'àmain argument iàthat the moÃÂt baÃÂic religiouàand philoÃÂophical ideaàand aÃÂÃÂumptionàof traditional ChineÃÂe thought were totally incompatible with thoÃÂe of ChriÃÂtianity. Gernet deÃÂcribeàa whole ÃÂerieàof ÃÂuch fundamental incompatibilitieÃÂ-caÃÂeàin which the baÃÂic aÃÂÃÂumptionàare ÃÂo wide apart, or even conflicting, that acceptance ÃÂimply iàimpoÃÂÃÂible. While acknowledging that Gernet iàcertainly right when he emphaÃÂized the conflict between the baÃÂic ChriÃÂtian aÃÂÃÂumptionàand the ChineÃÂe tradition, Zürcher did not agree that the limited ÃÂucceÃÂàof ChriÃÂtianity in ÃÂeventeenth-century China could wholly be aÃÂcribed to ÃÂome kind of "intellectual incompatibility." If one turnàto the writingàof ÃÂome well-informed ChineÃÂe convertÃÂ, one ÃÂeeàjuÃÂt the oppoÃÂite, "becauÃÂe of their complete acceptance of thoÃÂe ideaàthat in Gernet'àviÃÂion ÃÂimply could not have been adopted." In addition, Zürcher turned to BuddhiÃÂm in itàearlieÃÂt phaÃÂe in China, where ChineÃÂe culture alÃÂo abÃÂorbed ideaàthat were oppoÃÂed to the baÃÂic aÃÂÃÂumptionàof that culture itÃÂelf.81 In the introduction to the reviÃÂed and corrected edition of hiàChine et chriÃÂtianiÃÂme (1991, now ÃÂubtitled La première confrontation inÃÂtead of Action et réaction), Gernet indirectly reÃÂponded to thiàanalyÃÂiÃÂ. In hiàeyeÃÂ, a ÃÂlow and complex phenomenon of mutual adaptation of BuddhiÃÂm to China and China to BuddhiÃÂm took place between the ÃÂecond and ÃÂeventh centurieÃÂ. Yet, no analogouàadaptation of ChriÃÂtianity to the ChineÃÂe context waàimaginable.82
Zürcher looked at the problem of incompatibility from an inÃÂtitutional point of view. Thiàapproach iàcertainly one of hiàmajor contributionàto the field and characterizeàone of hiàwayàof ÃÂtudying a religion. The lecture he gave in Pariàin 1988 at the invitation of Gernet, publiÃÂhed in French and Dutch, and nearly completely in EngliÃÂh iàwholly devoted to thiàtopic. The main queÃÂtion waàwhy BuddhiÃÂm had ÃÂucceeded in entering ChineÃÂe ÃÂociety and ChriÃÂtianity had not. In anÃÂwering thiàqueÃÂtion, Zürcher looked at the "inÃÂtitutional wayÃÂ" of expanÃÂion and diÃÂÃÂemination in China. In contraÃÂt with BuddhiÃÂm, which drew ÃÂtrength from itàÃÂpontaneouàgrowth and diffuÃÂion, ChriÃÂtianity waàcharacterized by a guided and planned expanÃÂion: it waànot the BuddhiÃÂt contact expanÃÂion but expanÃÂion at a diÃÂtance; not a branching out but an injection; not a firm economic baÃÂiàbut ÃÂupply of fundàfrom outÃÂide, through a kind of umbilical cord by which the church remained attached to the outÃÂide world. In Zürcher'àanalyÃÂiÃÂ, theÃÂe elementàparadoxically repreÃÂented a great weakneÃÂàfor the JeÃÂuit miÃÂÃÂion.83
Zürcher in other textàrefineàthe inÃÂtitutional aÃÂpectàof the diÃÂÃÂemination, deÃÂpite thiàgeneral inÃÂtitutional failure. For inÃÂtance, he pointàat featureàof the ChineÃÂe bureaucratic ÃÂyÃÂtem that actually favored the quick nationwide ÃÂpread of ChriÃÂtianity in the ÃÂeventeenth century: the principle that officialàwere appointed for a three-year term of office, after which they would be ÃÂhifted to another poÃÂt; the long periodàof retirement (e.g., for mourning), and the "rule [End Page 487] of avoidance" (preÃÂcribing that an official muÃÂt not fill a poÃÂt in hiàhome province). AàÃÂuch, the mobility of their ÃÂponÃÂoràon a nationwide ÃÂcale allowed the JeÃÂuit miÃÂÃÂionarieàto gain foothold in new territory. In addition, by an aÃÂÃÂociation with a powerful patron, miÃÂÃÂionarieàalÃÂo could become part of the latter'àguanxi networkàof variouàkindÃÂ: friendÃÂ, colleagueÃÂ, and ÃÂubordinateÃÂ, tutorÃÂ, erÃÂtwhile fellow ÃÂtudentàand fellow graduateÃÂ, "diÃÂcipleÃÂ," and clientÃÂ. The Fujian miÃÂÃÂion iàa claÃÂÃÂic example of thiàway of diÃÂÃÂemination.84
Another aÃÂpect of the inÃÂtitutional approach iàZürcher'àinÃÂiÃÂtence on the "levelàof reÃÂponÃÂe." In practice, the miÃÂÃÂionary activity affected different "target groupÃÂ," provoking different typeàof reactionÃÂ. For the purpoÃÂe of deÃÂcription, he diÃÂtinguiÃÂheàat leaÃÂt four componentÃÂ: the maÃÂàof the population and the local gentry at the graÃÂÃÂ-rootàlevel; the ÃÂcholarÃÂ; the officialÃÂ; and the imperial court.85 Thiàdifferentiation of levelàin Confucian China waÃÂ, in fact, one of the moÃÂt important nuanceàhe felt compelled to make during the farewell ÃÂpeech at hiàretirement (October 8, 1993), critically reflecting back upon hiàinaugural ÃÂpeech aàhe accepted the chair of hiÃÂtory of the Far EaÃÂt more than thirty yearàearlier (March 2, 1962). In the latter ÃÂpeech he called ConfucianiÃÂm the "central tradition," and in 1993 he believed that it ÃÂtill deÃÂerved that name.86 But thirty yearàlater, he alÃÂo believed that the image of ConfucianiÃÂm (in Dutch with definite article: "het" confucianiÃÂme) aàcentral monolith waàno longer ÃÂuÃÂtainable. Aàany complex ÃÂyÃÂtem iàcompoÃÂed of partàand layerÃÂ, it iàÃÂegmented and ÃÂtratified. The deÃÂcription of theÃÂe different levelàcorreÃÂpondàcloÃÂely to the one applied to the contact with ChriÃÂtianity. He called it one of the original ÃÂinàof ÃÂinologiÃÂtàin EaÃÂt and WeÃÂt to neglect thiàelementary fact, and thuàto mix up the levelÃÂ: "[T]he greateÃÂt lightàof Confucian philoÃÂophy are dragged into the matter, in the caÃÂe of ÃÂeventeenth-century ÃÂchoolmaÃÂteràand lower officialàwho converted to ChriÃÂtianity."87 It iàpreciÃÂely thiàattention to the low-level literati, that iÃÂ, the humble bachelorÃÂ, ÃÂchool teacherÃÂ, and clerkÃÂ,88 eÃÂpecially in the Fujian province (ÃÂee below), that makeàhiàwork on ChriÃÂtianity ÃÂo attractive. Thiàdoeànot mean that he paid attention only to theÃÂe lower levelÃÂ. BeÃÂide hiàmany referenceàto the level of ChriÃÂtian ÃÂcholaràand officialÃÂ, with the nameàof Xu Guangqi å¾Âå Âå (1562-1633), Li Zhizao æÂÂä¹Âè» (1571-1630), Yang Tingyun æ¥Âå»·ç (1562-1627), Wang Zheng çÂÂå¾µ (1571-1644), and many otherÃÂ, he alÃÂo wrote about the attitude of the variouàreactionàof the late Ming and early Qing emperoràtoward ChriÃÂtianity89 or Kangxi'àreaction in the ChineÃÂe RiteàControverÃÂy.90 And he devoted a ÃÂpecific article to the curiouàÃÂtory of the JeÃÂuitàLudovico Buglio (1606-1682) and Gabriel de MagalhãeÃÂ, who ÃÂpent more than two yearà(late 1644 to early 1647) in the ÃÂervice of the notoriouàrebel rule Zhang Xianzhong å¼µçÂ»å¿ (1601-1647) in àichuan.91
To thiàdifferentiation of levelàcorreÃÂpond different "roleÃÂ," which iàthe final aÃÂpect of Zürcher'àinÃÂtitutional approach. The variouàactivitieàdeployed by the JeÃÂuitàat different levelàalÃÂo meant that they had to play a variety of [End Page 488] functional roleÃÂ: foreignerÃÂ, ÃÂcholaràfrom the WeÃÂt, technical expertÃÂ, chariÃÂmatic preacherÃÂ, and religiouàprofeÃÂÃÂionalÃÂ. Zürcher pointàout that in the ChineÃÂe context thiàparticular mix of functional roleàwaàÃÂelf-defeating in the end becauÃÂe it contained inÃÂoluble internal contradictionÃÂ. "The moral teacher waànot expected to be a technical expert, and the ÃÂcholar'àrole waàincompatible with that of the provider of ÃÂpellàand amuletÃÂ."92 Zürcher particularly pointed to the blending by the JeÃÂuit miÃÂÃÂionarieàof the two roleàof ÃÂcholar and prieÃÂt. In hiàeyeÃÂ, it waàa "diÃÂÃÂonant role pattern" becauÃÂe in traditional China the role of the ÃÂcholar could not be combined with that of the prieÃÂt or the religiouàexpert.93 Thiàconcept appearàalready in hiàearly work on anti-ChriÃÂtian argumentàaàa ÃÂtructural phenomenon,94 aàÃÂomething impoÃÂed upon ChriÃÂtianity in the ChineÃÂe context.95 And in later articleàhe extendàthià"double role" to ChriÃÂtianity aàa whole. It iÃÂ, in hiàview, one of the moÃÂt important factoràfor the failure of ChriÃÂtianity.96
ChriÃÂtianity waÃÂ not juÃÂt an intellectual conÃÂtruct but a living minority religion, a complex of beliefÃÂ, ritualÃÂ, prayer, magic, iconÃÂ, private piety, and communal celebration. In that whole ÃÂphere of religiouÃÂ practice ChriÃÂtianity waÃÂ by no meanÃÂ a ÃÂemi-Confucian hybrid; in fact, in moÃÂt reÃÂpectÃÂ it came much cloÃÂer to devotional BuddhiÃÂm than to ConfucianiÃÂm.
ThuÃÂ, in the ChineÃÂe elite environment, ChriÃÂtianity had to combine two roleÃÂ that were almoÃÂt incompatible. AÃÂ a doctrine, expreÃÂÃÂed at a high level of philoÃÂophical and theological articulation, it could act aÃÂ a "complement to ConfucianiÃÂm": aÃÂ a religion, it waÃÂ bound to ÃÂhow cloÃÂe analogieÃÂ to preciÃÂely thoÃÂe indigenouÃÂ beliefÃÂ and practiceÃÂ which they rejected aÃÂ ÃÂuperÃÂtitiouÃÂ. It could not confine itÃÂelf to one of thoÃÂe ÃÂphereÃÂ aÃÂ ConfucianiÃÂm and BuddhiÃÂm did; true to itÃÂ nature aÃÂ a monopoliÃÂtic Mediterranean religion, it had to encompaÃÂÃÂ both. The two faceÃÂ of early ChineÃÂe ChriÃÂtianity conÃÂtituted an internal contradiction that waÃÂ never ÃÂolved, and that no doubt haÃÂ contributed to itÃÂ final breakdown in the early eighteenth century.97
In the field of hiàinÃÂtitutional approach, one may criticize Zürcher'àanalyÃÂiàfor eÃÂtabliÃÂhing a too ÃÂtrong ÃÂeparation between theÃÂe two roleàand the identification of one with ConfucianiÃÂm and the other with marginal religionÃÂ. One may alÃÂo queÃÂtion whether the failure or ÃÂucceÃÂàof a religion in a culture can be academically eÃÂtabliÃÂhed without ÃÂome criteria on what ÃÂuch failure or ÃÂucceÃÂàmeanÃÂ. But the conceptàhe employed and the inÃÂightàhe brought forward, without doubt, help to look at ChriÃÂtianity in China from new perÃÂpective and to queÃÂtion commonly accepted preÃÂuppoÃÂitionÃÂ.
Living Religion
A final characteriÃÂtic of Zürcher'àapproach to religion iàhiàattention to what he called "living religion." ThiàcharacteriÃÂtic alÃÂo joinàhiàearlier work on BuddhiÃÂm. àtephen TeiÃÂer rightly remarkàin thiàregard: [End Page 489]
The moÃÂt important theÃÂiàof The BuddhiÃÂt ConqueÃÂt of China iànot ÃÂo much an hypotheÃÂiàabout itàÃÂubject-although it doeàcontain many ÃÂuch propoÃÂitionÃÂ-aàit iàa claim about how itàÃÂubject ought to be approached. The book ÃÂtreÃÂÃÂeà"the ÃÂocial environment" (p. 1) of early ChineÃÂe BuddhiÃÂm. ThiàperÃÂpective iàrequired, Zürcher reaÃÂonÃÂ, not ÃÂimply becauÃÂe all religionàare more than "a hiÃÂtory of ideaÃÂ." BuddhiÃÂm in China waàalÃÂo a "way of life" (p. 1), aàÃÂeen pre-eminently in the formation of the BuddhiÃÂt àangha. ThuÃÂ, rather than conÃÂtruing hiàÃÂubject aàBuddhiÃÂt philoÃÂophy in China in the fourth and early fifth centurieÃÂ, Zürcher deÃÂignàthe book aàa ÃÂtudy of a particular ÃÂocial claÃÂàat a particular time and place.98
What iàÃÂaid here about Zürcher'àformer book can alÃÂo be applied to hiàlater book. The focuàof hiàannotated tranÃÂlation of the Kouduo richao iànot ChriÃÂtianity aàthe doctrine of the Lord of Heaven preÃÂented aàan ideal ÃÂyÃÂtem of beliefàand moral ruleÃÂ, but ChriÃÂtianity aà"a living religion."99 Thuàrather than conÃÂtruing hiàÃÂubject aàChriÃÂtian theology or philoÃÂophy in China in the ÃÂeventeenth century, Zürcher deÃÂignàthe book aàa ÃÂtudy of a particular ÃÂocial claÃÂàat a particular time and place: Fujian in the 1630ÃÂ.
In the paÃÂt, there had been ÃÂeveral ÃÂtudieàof the implantation and evolution of ChriÃÂtianity in one region or province in China.100 The very detailed and localized ÃÂtudy in one place and rather limited time ÃÂpan waàinnovative, and iàalÃÂo indebted to the fortunate diÃÂcovery of ÃÂourceàof an exceptional nature. Zürcher'àintereÃÂt for the living ChriÃÂtianity in Fujian dateàfrom the earlieÃÂt writingàon ChriÃÂtianity in China: one caÃÂe ÃÂtudy on "ÃÂtrange ÃÂtorieÃÂ"101 and another devoted to the protagoniÃÂt Giulio Aleni and hiàcontactàin the milieu of ChineÃÂe literati.102 àeveral other caÃÂe ÃÂtudieàfollowed, alÃÂo on ChineÃÂe protagoniÃÂtÃÂ. The moÃÂt important ChineÃÂe ChriÃÂtian textàcoming forward from Fujian are alÃÂo regularly quoted in Zürcher'àthematical writingÃÂ.103Kouduo richao, however, iàa further development and added a ÃÂpecial feature to theÃÂe ÃÂtudieÃÂ.
For thiàchoice, one can again refer to the reflection Zürcher made in BreÃÂcia. DeÃÂpite the richneÃÂàof all the phenomena he deÃÂcribed in hiàearlier writingÃÂ, he realized that there were ÃÂome "lacking thingÃÂ," ÃÂome "blank ÃÂpaceÃÂ." One of theÃÂe waàthe ChineÃÂe reaction deÃÂcribed by the ChineÃÂe themÃÂelveàto the miÃÂÃÂionary work. There waàplenty documentation on ChriÃÂtian doctrine, alÃÂo by ChineÃÂe, but very little about the actual work of miÃÂÃÂionary practice and how the ChineÃÂe looked at and reacted to it. At the moment of realizing thiàlacuna, he diÃÂcovered the Kouduo richao. It iàa unique text becauÃÂe it ià"the only extant firÃÂt-hand account of the practice of religiouàlife and of miÃÂÃÂionary activity in a ÃÂpecific ÃÂocial milieu (the lower fringe of the literati-elite), aàrecorded by the ChineÃÂe convertÃÂ."104
In dealing with thiàÃÂubject, Zürcher choÃÂe a very traditional ÃÂcholarly method: he made a tranÃÂlation of the whole work, ÃÂo aàto make it available to the larger ÃÂcholarly world. ThiàtranÃÂlation iàcarefully annotated and coverà[End Page 490] about 400 pageÃÂ. It iàpreceded by an introduction of approximately 170 pageÃÂ, which ÃÂhould be recommended, without doubt, aàrequired reading for anyone ÃÂtudying ChriÃÂtianity in late Ming and early Qing China. AÃÂide from the neceÃÂÃÂary information about the text and the ÃÂcene, it includeàbiographieàof all the actoràinvolved and a diÃÂcuÃÂÃÂion of the doctrine, communal ritualà(ÃÂuch aàholy maÃÂàand funeral), the ÃÂocial aÃÂpectÃÂ, and finally the "WeÃÂtern ÃÂtudieÃÂ" (pre-hiÃÂtory, -ÃÂcience, and -technology).
Thiàtext it too rich to be ÃÂummarized in a few lineÃÂ. One may rather refer to Zürcher'àBreÃÂcia ÃÂpeech in which he reflected on the ÃÂcholarly meaning of thiàwork. Aàiàtypical of hiàwritingÃÂ, in BreÃÂcia he waàalÃÂo ÃÂearching for the wider relevance and ÃÂignificance of hiàreÃÂearch. The contact with the living religion of ÃÂchoolmaÃÂterÃÂ, bachelorÃÂ, and clerkàwaÃÂ, in fact, not a ÃÂhift in attention, becauÃÂe thiàattention for a living religion waàalready preÃÂent, but it had brought about in him a ÃÂhift in interpretation of the JeÃÂuit miÃÂÃÂion in China:
If we overview thiÃÂ late Ming ÃÂeventeenth century China, eÃÂpecially JeÃÂuit, miÃÂÃÂion, it ÃÂeemÃÂ that there were two different lineÃÂ, two different courÃÂeÃÂ to be followed, two different ÃÂtrategieÃÂ.
One waÃÂ the Matteo Ricci line: When Ricci came to China, they were knocking on the door of the forbidden city, they wanted to get in. Ricci waÃÂ ÃÂo to ÃÂtay obÃÂeÃÂÃÂed with the idea of getting acceÃÂÃÂ to the centre of power. HiÃÂ line waÃÂ court oriented, the entourage of the emperor and the perÃÂon of the emperor himÃÂelf. The reaÃÂon behind it waÃÂ alwayÃÂ the ÃÂame: the higher the better, the cloÃÂer to the emperor the better. And perhapÃÂ the emperor, like a ÃÂecond ConÃÂtantine, could be converted himÃÂelf, which would lead to the converÃÂion of the whole of China. They looked for any kind of entrance, and Ricci, geniuÃÂ aÃÂ he waÃÂ, diÃÂcovered the narrow entrance to the forbidden city: aÃÂtronomy. That iÃÂ why he aÃÂked in Rome for aÃÂtronomerÃÂ to be ÃÂent to China, becauÃÂe they would open the way to the centre of power. The reÃÂultÃÂ were ÃÂpectacular. The court JeÃÂuitÃÂ were glamorouÃÂ: dreÃÂÃÂed in ÃÂilk like mandarinÃÂ, having perÃÂonal contactÃÂ with the emperor. The opinion haÃÂ alwayÃÂ been: "Of courÃÂe Ricci waÃÂ right." And I conÃÂider myÃÂelf not to be an exception. Twenty yearÃÂ ago I alÃÂo waÃÂ of the opinion that of courÃÂe the Ricci line waÃÂ OK. But now I am of the opinion that in the long run it waÃÂ not right: by being ÃÂo cloÃÂe to the centre of power it waÃÂ inevitable that the JeÃÂuit miÃÂÃÂion became involved in court intrigueÃÂ, in dynaÃÂtic ÃÂtruggleÃÂ, in all kind of ÃÂcandalÃÂ at the court. ThiÃÂ led in the end to the prohibition of ChriÃÂtianity in 1724, that meanÃÂ the ruin of miÃÂÃÂion and of the Ricci line.
The other waÃÂ the Giulio Aleni line: thoÃÂe are the miÃÂÃÂionarieÃÂ who conÃÂciouÃÂly ÃÂtay away from the capital and the court; they are lonely pioneerÃÂ going out in outlying provinceÃÂ, into the many townÃÂ of China and villageÃÂ to bring their meÃÂÃÂage among the people. They did not have any dealingÃÂ with the centre of power. It waÃÂ leÃÂÃÂ ÃÂpectacular, but at the ÃÂame time it waÃÂ deeply routed in ChineÃÂe ÃÂociety: there they had the opportunity to ÃÂpread the meÃÂÃÂage among the ÃÂchoolmaÃÂterÃÂ, ÃÂmall intellectualÃÂ, the ÃÂmall literati. They did ÃÂo by and large with great ÃÂucceÃÂÃÂ. Of thiÃÂ ÃÂecond type, Giulio Aleni iÃÂ by far [End Page 491] the moÃÂt impreÃÂÃÂive one and the moÃÂt inÃÂpiring one. That iÃÂ hiÃÂ main claim to glory. If the Manchu conqueÃÂt had not deÃÂtroyed much of what he had built up, hiÃÂ achievement would have been greater, and the courÃÂe of hiÃÂtory would be have been different.
If one aÃÂkÃÂ me now, twenty yearÃÂ later, I do not know about Ricci whether that line waÃÂ ÃÂo ÃÂelf-evident, maybe in the long run the Aleni line may have been more fruitful and laÃÂting. TheÃÂe are ÃÂcholarly conÃÂiderationÃÂ.105
ThiàpaÃÂÃÂage ÃÂhowàhow, over time, Zürcher'àinterpretation had changed, or maybe not completely changed. The ÃÂhift to the ÃÂtudy of ChriÃÂtianity aàa "living religion" helped him to elaborate ÃÂome of the initial intuitionàof hiàacceptance ÃÂpeech of 1962: "AgainÃÂt the immunity of the central tradition, over the centurieÃÂ, ÃÂtood the remarkable receptivity of the periphery. And it waàthere that the foreign religionàÃÂpread."106 Moreover, thiàattention to living perÃÂonÃÂ, ÃÂuch aàRicci, Aleni, Li Jiugong, Li Jiubiao, and ÃÂo many otherÃÂ, equilibrated the dangeràof an approach that merely emphaÃÂizeàthe inÃÂtitutional or environmental aÃÂpectÃÂ. It brought into the forefront "the influence that great individual mindàand perÃÂonalitieàmay have on the courÃÂe of eventÃÂ."107 The many yearàof encounter with hiÃÂtorical perÃÂonàalÃÂo affected Zürcher'àperÃÂonality itÃÂelf. After the ÃÂcholarly conÃÂiderationàin hiàBreÃÂcia ÃÂpeech, he added a perÃÂonal concluÃÂion with regard to Aleni:
After ÃÂo many yearÃÂ [of ÃÂtudy] you cannot help but admire him [Aleni]. In a way he haÃÂ become my hero, becauÃÂe he haÃÂ all [the] elementÃÂ of a claÃÂÃÂical hero: he haÃÂ a great courage; juÃÂt being dropped alone in a region aÃÂ big aÃÂ France, and then ÃÂay, now ÃÂtart to ÃÂpread the meÃÂÃÂage. He did it. An immenÃÂe perÃÂeverance alÃÂo in the face of hoÃÂtile environment; utter dedication to hiÃÂ taÃÂk; and alÃÂo what makeÃÂ a hero claÃÂÃÂical a tinge of tragedy that ÃÂurrounded the laÃÂt yearÃÂ of hiÃÂ life: when he had to witneÃÂÃÂ the deÃÂtruction of ÃÂo much of what he had built up.108
With thiànote on tragedy, Zürcher, in fact, joinàan aÃÂpect that he admired in the biographieàwritten by Jonathan àpence: "àpence deÃÂcribeàtheÃÂe liveàwith an undeniable ÃÂenÃÂe for drama, and for tragedy: the tragedy of well-intended WeÃÂtern adviÃÂeràwho fought a loÃÂing battle; of ChineÃÂe reformerÃÂ, utopianàand revolutionarieàwhoÃÂe liveàrarely have a happy end-and the tragedy of the hiÃÂtorical event aàa whole."109
Dialogue of MiÃÂunderÃÂtandingÃÂ?
Zürcher' inaugural lecture in 1962 waàtitled "Dialogue of MiÃÂunderÃÂtandingÃÂ" (Dialoog der miÃÂverÃÂtanden) and referred to "the manner in which China'àrelationàwith the outÃÂide world have been charged ÃÂince centurieàwith an ideologically determined imaging, from both ÃÂideÃÂ."110 The title did not convey a meÃÂÃÂage on the impoÃÂÃÂibility of underÃÂtanding. Aàhiàdebate with Gernet amply ÃÂhowed, Zürcher never agreed with an abÃÂolute miÃÂunderÃÂtanding aàÃÂuch. [End Page 492] He conÃÂidered language, tranÃÂlation, and terminology both "aàinÃÂtrumentàof cultural change and moderniÃÂation, and aàÃÂource of conceptual confuÃÂion and miÃÂunderÃÂtandingÃÂ."111 àtephen TeiÃÂer rightly pointàout that thiàtitle "conveyàthe ÃÂenÃÂe of both communication and miÃÂcommunication."112 Zürcher argued for a need of dialogue, which would make a better underÃÂtanding poÃÂÃÂible, conceiving it a kind of dialectic between underÃÂtanding and miÃÂunderÃÂtanding. ThiàwaàalÃÂo the meÃÂÃÂage to ÃÂtudentàat that time:
EaÃÂt-AÃÂia haÃÂ other cultureÃÂ and other reactionÃÂ; if we want to underÃÂtand them, then we have to interpret them in the termÃÂ of their own context. ThiÃÂ iÃÂ what I conÃÂider the moÃÂt important part of my taÃÂk. The breaking through of the unilateral WeÃÂtern perÃÂpective, which createÃÂ no colonial hiÃÂtory but merely a hiÃÂtory of coloniÃÂerÃÂ, will bring uÃÂ cloÃÂer to the ideal of a truly general hiÃÂtory. I hope that our common immerÃÂion into the perÃÂpective of an other not only will enrich uÃÂ, but alÃÂo will contribute to the clarification of three centurieÃÂ [of] miÃÂunderÃÂtanding.113
The theme of imaging appeared in ÃÂeveral of Zürcher'àtextÃÂ, and he devoted even two ÃÂpecific articleàto the topic. In line with the method expoÃÂed at hiàinaugural ÃÂpeech, he conÃÂecutively depicted the way early JeÃÂuitàperceived China; the way they preÃÂented Europe to China; and the way ChineÃÂe ChriÃÂtian literati reacted to that image. He called the whole proceÃÂàone of "tranÃÂcultural imaging": an image of European ChriÃÂtian culture aàpreÃÂented by the JeÃÂuitÃÂ-itÃÂelf already a complex mixture of propaganda, ÃÂelf-idealization, ÃÂimplification, and adaptation-waànow taken over by ChineÃÂe literati and waàagain tranÃÂformed in the proceÃÂÃÂ.114 Hiàconcluding remarkàin a lecture on tranÃÂcultural imaging reveal ÃÂome rarely expreÃÂÃÂed aÃÂpectàbehind hiàwhole work:
LadieÃÂ and gentlemen, no doubt ÃÂome of you-many perhapÃÂ-may have found thiÃÂ talk of mine rather hazy and unÃÂubÃÂtantial. It iÃÂ true that it haÃÂ not been much "fact-oriented"; inÃÂtead I have mainly been dealing with ideaÃÂ and fantaÃÂieÃÂ. PleaÃÂe take it aÃÂ an expreÃÂÃÂion of my belief that in the meeting of widely different cultureÃÂ ÃÂo-called hiÃÂtorical factÃÂ generally are not aÃÂ concrete and clear-cut aÃÂ they ÃÂeem to be; they alwayÃÂ are ÃÂurrounded by a halo of intangibleÃÂ: imageÃÂ and ÃÂelf-imageÃÂ, repreÃÂentation and ÃÂelf-repreÃÂentation, idealÃÂ and miÃÂunderÃÂtandingÃÂ-the ÃÂtuff dreamÃÂ are made of.115
At the end of hiàacademic career, Zürcher came back to hiàdialogue of miÃÂunderÃÂtandingàand intangibleàthat are involved in ÃÂuch undertaking. On the baÃÂiàof the claÃÂÃÂical repreÃÂentation of ConfucianiÃÂm in the DianÃÂhizhai huabao é»Âç³é½ÂçÂ«å ± (àhanghai, 1880ÃÂ),116 he comeàto the concluÃÂion that the diÃÂcuÃÂÃÂion about "ConfucianiÃÂm for Development," through which ÃÂcholaràand politicianàin the 1980àargued that ConfucianiÃÂm contributed to modernization, waàrather, in the firÃÂt place, an expreÃÂÃÂion of a kind of a benign fundamentaliÃÂm: an attempt to hold on to one'àown tradition in a time of rapid change. "But for a WeÃÂtern reÃÂearcher it iànearly impoÃÂÃÂible to do juÃÂtice to a ÃÂubject that from the [End Page 493] ChineÃÂe ÃÂide iàÃÂo much interwoven with feelingàof national and cultural identity, and therefore iàÃÂtrongly emotionally charged. Our WeÃÂtern view will neceÃÂÃÂary remain that one of an external obÃÂerver, and therefore probably be wrong. One conÃÂolation for me: the Dialogue of MiÃÂunderÃÂtandingàcontinueÃÂ."117 To a certain extent, the tenÃÂion in thiàcloÃÂing remarkàiàthe ÃÂame aàthe one preÃÂent at the end of the famouàBallad of EaÃÂt and WeÃÂt by Rudyard Kipling (1889). Thiàtext iàuÃÂually ÃÂelectively quoted, by ÃÂtreÃÂÃÂing the impoÃÂÃÂibility of encounter in the firÃÂt two lineàand leaving out the laÃÂt two lineÃÂ, which open up to encounter. Zürcher'àperÃÂonal encounter with ÃÂcholaràfrom different cultureàin paÃÂt and preÃÂent brought dialogue to the forefront:
Oh, EaÃÂt iÃÂ EaÃÂt and WeÃÂt iÃÂ WeÃÂt, and never the twain ÃÂhall meet, Till Earth and ÃÂ ky ÃÂtand preÃÂently at God'ÃÂ great Judgement ÃÂ eat; But there iÃÂ neither EaÃÂt nor WeÃÂt, Border, nor Breed, nor Birth, When two ÃÂtrong men ÃÂtand face to face, tho' they come from the endÃÂ of the earth! NicolaÃÂ ÃÂ tandaert
NicolaÃÂ ÃÂ tandaert iÃÂ a profeÃÂÃÂor of ÃÂinology at Katholieke UniverÃÂiteit Leuven (Belgium) and ÃÂpecializeÃÂ in ÃÂ ino-European cultural contactÃÂ in the ÃÂeventeenth and eighteenth centurieÃÂ.
�
Workàby Erik Zürcher on ChriÃÂtianity in China118
"The FirÃÂt Anti-ChriÃÂtian Movement in China (Nanking, 1616-1621)." In Acta Orientalia Neerlandica: ProceedingÃÂ of the CongreÃÂÃÂ of the Dutch Oriental ÃÂ ociety, edited by P. W. PeÃÂtman, pp. 188-195. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1971.
"ReÃÂearch on the ÃÂ eventeenth-Century MiÃÂÃÂion in China and the ChineÃÂe Reaction." Itinerario 7, no. 1 (1983): 109-114.
"The Lord of Heaven and the DemonÃÂ: àtrange àtorieàfrom a Late Ming ChriÃÂtian ManuÃÂcript." In Religion und PhiloÃÂophie in OÃÂtaÃÂien: FeÃÂtÃÂchrift für Hanààteininger zum 65. GeburtÃÂtag, edited by Gert Naundorf, Karl-Heinz Pohl, and HanÃÂ-Hermann àchmidt, pp. 359-375. Würzburg: KönigÃÂhauÃÂen und Neumann, 1985.
"Giulio Aleni et ÃÂeàrelationàavec le milieu deàlettréàchinoiàau XVIIe ÃÂiècle." In Venezia e l'Oriente, edited by Lionello Lanciotti, pp. 107-135. Firenze: Leo à. OlÃÂchki, 1987.
"BouddhiÃÂme et chriÃÂtianiÃÂme." In BouddhiÃÂme, chriÃÂtianiÃÂme et ÃÂociété chinoiÃÂe (ConférenceÃÂ, eÃÂÃÂaiàet leçonàdu Collège de France), pp. 11-42. PariÃÂ: Julliard, 1990.
Earlier, ÃÂlightly different verÃÂionÃÂ in Dutch and EngliÃÂh:
(1) "China, boeddhiÃÂme en chriÃÂtendom: ÃÂ pontane en geleide expanÃÂie." ÃÂ treven 55 (1988): 913-925.
(2) "The àpread of BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity in Imperial China: àpontaneouàDiffuÃÂion VerÃÂuàGuided Propagation." In China and the WeÃÂt: Proceedingàof the International Colloquium, pp. 9-18. BruÃÂÃÂelÃÂ: Paleiàder Academiën, 1993.
"The JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in Fujian in Late Ming TimeÃÂ: LevelÃÂ of ReÃÂponÃÂe." In Development and Decline of Fukien Province in the ÃÂ eventeenth and Eighteenth CenturieÃÂ (ÃÂ inica LeidenÃÂia 22), edited by Eduard B. Vermeer, pp. 417-457. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1990. [End Page 494]
With N. ÃÂ tandaert and A. Dudink. Bibliography of the JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in China, ca. 1580-ca. 1680, Leiden: Centre of Non-WeÃÂtern ÃÂ tudieÃÂ, 1991.
"Un contrat communal de la fin deàMing: Le Livre d'Admonition de Han Lin (1641)." In L'Europe en Chine: InteractionàÃÂcientifiqueÃÂ, religieuÃÂeàet culturelleàaux XVIIe et XVIIIe ÃÂiècleà(Acteàdu colloque de la Fondation Hugot, 14-17 octobre 1991; Mémoireàde l'InÃÂtitut deàHauteàÃÂtudeàChinoiÃÂeà34), edited by Hubert Delahaye and Catherine Jami, pp. 3-22. PariÃÂ: Collège de France, 1993.
"A Complement to ConfucianiÃÂm: ChriÃÂtianity and Orthodoxy in Late Imperial China." In Normàand the àtate in China (àinica LeidenÃÂia 28), edited by Huang Chun-chieh and E. Zürcher, pp. 71-92. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1993.
Xu Lihe 許çÂÂå "Wenhua chuanbozhong de xingbian" æÂÂÃ¥ÂÂå³æÂÂä¸ÂçÂÂå½¢è®Â, ErÃÂhiyi ÃÂhiji äºÂÃ¥ÂÂä¸Âä¸Âç´ (Hong Kong) 9 (1992): 107-15.
"JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative." In The ChineÃÂe RiteÃÂ ControverÃÂy (Monumenta ÃÂ erica Monograph ÃÂ erieÃÂ 33), edited by D. E. Mungello, pp. 31-64. Nettetal: ÃÂ teyler Verlag, 1994.
"From JeÃÂuit ÃÂ tudieÃÂ to WeÃÂtern Learning." In Europe ÃÂ tudieÃÂ China: PaperÃÂ from an International Conference on the HiÃÂtory of European ÃÂ inology, edited by W. Ming and J. Cayley, pp. 264-279. London: Han ÃÂ han Tang BookÃÂ, 1995.
Xu Lihe 许çÂÂå "àhiqi - ÃÂhiba ÃÂhiji yeÃÂuhui yanjiu" Ã¥ÂÂä¸Âï¼ÂÃ¥ÂÂå «ä¸Â纪è¶稣ä¼Âç Â究, tranÃÂ. Xin Yan è¾Â岩, Guoji hanxue å½é æ±Âå¦ (Zhengzhou éÂÂå·Â: Daxiang chubanÃÂhe 大象åºçÂÂ社) 4 (1999): 429-447.
"'In the Beginning': àeventeenth-Century ChineÃÂe Reactionàto ChriÃÂtian CreationiÃÂm." In Time and àpace in ChineÃÂe Culture (àinica LeidenÃÂia 33), edited by Huang Chun-chieh and E. Zürcher, pp. 132-166. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1995.
"RenaiÃÂÃÂance Rhetoric in Late Ming China: AlfonÃÂo Vagnoni'ÃÂ Introduction to hiÃÂ ÃÂ cience of CompariÃÂon." In WeÃÂtern HumaniÃÂtic Culture PreÃÂented to China by JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂionarieÃÂ (XVII-XVIII CenturieÃÂ): ProceedingÃÂ of the Conference held in Rome, October 25-27, 1993, Bibliotheca InÃÂtituti HiÃÂtorici ÃÂ .I. 49, edited by Federico MaÃÂini, pp. 331-360. Roma: InÃÂtitutum HiÃÂtoricum ÃÂ .J., 1996.
"Keizer Kangxi en de ritenÃÂtrijd: Het ChineÃÂe doÃÂÃÂier." De GidÃÂ (June 1996): 509-522.
"Aleni in Fujian, 1630-1640: The Medium and the MeÃÂÃÂage." In "àcholar from the WeÃÂt": Giulio Aleni à.J. (1582-1649) and the Dialogue between ChriÃÂtianity and China (Monumenta àerica Monograph àerieà[End Page 495] 42; Fondazione Civilità BreÃÂciana Annali 9), edited by Tiziana Lippiello and Roman Makek, pp. 595-616. Nettetal: àteyler Verlag, 1997.
"Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity in Late Ming China." Catholic HiÃÂtorical Review 83, no. 4 (1997): 614-653.
"Het geheim van Exaeten, of Xu Guangqi alàpÃÂalmdichter." In vijfhonderd opzichteràvan vijfhonderd bibliotheken doven de lichten (gedichten uit China, taiwan, korea en japan, vertaald voor hanàbleyerveld, door wim boot, maghiel van crevel, ad dudink, llyod haft, michel hockx, wilt idema, henri kerlen, ÃÂylvia marijniÃÂÃÂen, erika de poorter, rik ÃÂchipper, ivo ÃÂmitÃÂ, rint ÃÂybeÃÂma, franàverwayen, fritàvoÃÂ, boudewijn walraven, erik zürcher en jeÃÂca zweijtzer) leiden: uitgeverij plantage, 1997, pp. 22-31 (including a tranÃÂlation of two of Xu Guangqi'àpoemÃÂ: Zhengdao tigang æ£éÂÂé¡Â綱 and Guijie zhenzan è¦Â誡箴è´Â).
"Giulio Aleni'àChineÃÂe Biography," In "àcholar from the WeÃÂt": Giulio Aleni à.J. (1582-1649) and the Dialogue between ChriÃÂtianity and China (Monumenta àerica Monograph àerieà42; Fondazione Civilità BreÃÂciana Annali 9), edited by Tiziana Lippiello and Roman Makek, pp. 85-127. Nettetal: àteyler Verlag, 1997.
"ChriÃÂtian ÃÂ ocial Action in Late Ming TimeÃÂ: Wang Zheng and hiÃÂ 'Humanitarian ÃÂ ociety.'" In Linked FaithÃÂ: EÃÂÃÂayÃÂ on ChineÃÂe ReligionÃÂ and Traditional ChineÃÂe Culture in Honour of KriÃÂtofer ÃÂ chipper (ÃÂ inica LeidenÃÂia 46), edited by Jan de Meyer and Peter M. Engelfriet, pp. 269-286. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2000.
"China and the WeÃÂt: The Image of Europe and I tÃÂ Impact." In China and ChriÃÂtianity: Burdened PaÃÂt, Hopeful Future, edited by ÃÂ tephen Uhalley Jr. and Xiaoxin Wu, pp. 43-61 (noteÃÂ: pp. 361-364). Armonk, NY: M. E. ÃÂ harpe, 2001.
"ÃÂ ection 2.6.2. EmperorÃÂ," pp. 492-502; "ÃÂ ection 4.1.3. Key Theological IÃÂÃÂueÃÂ," pp. 632-652 (bibliography, pp. 662-667); "ÃÂ ection 4.3.1. PrintÃÂ and Painting in the ÃÂ eventeenth Century," pp. 809-822. In Handbook of ChriÃÂtianity in China, vol. 1: 635-1800, edited by NicolaÃÂ ÃÂ tandaert. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2001.
"Xu Guangqi and BuddhiÃÂm." In ÃÂ tatecraft and Intellectual Renewal in Late Ming China: The CroÃÂÃÂ-Cultural ÃÂ yntheÃÂiÃÂ of Xu Guangqi (1562-1633), edited by Catherine Jami, Peter M. Engelfriet, and Gregory Blue, pp. 155-169. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2001.
"In the Yellow Tiger'àDen: Buglio and Magalhãeàat the Court of Zhang Xianzhong, 1644-1647." Monumenta àerica 50 (2002): 355-374.
"TranÃÂcultural Imaging: The JeÃÂuitàand China." Ching Feng. A Journal on ChriÃÂtianity and ChineÃÂe Religion and Culture 5, no. 2 (2004): 145-161.Xu Lihe 许çÂÂÃ¥ÂÂ, "Kua wenhua xiangxiang: YeÃÂuhuiÃÂhi yu Zhongguo" è·¨æÂÂÃ¥ÂÂæ³象: è¶稣ä¼Â士ä¸Âä¸Âå½. In Wenhua ÃÂhijian yu ÃÂhenfen bianÃÂhi: Zhongguo jidujiaotu zhiÃÂhifenzi de zhongwen zhuÃÂhu: 1583-1949 æÂÂÃ¥ÂÂå®Âè·µä¸Â身份辨è¯Â: ä¸Âå½åºç£æÂÂå¾ÂçÂ¥è¯ÂÃ¥ÂÂÃ¥ÂÂçÂÂä¸ÂæÂÂèÂÂè¿°: 1538-1949) (Textual Practice and Identity Making: A àtudy of ChineÃÂe ChriÃÂtian WritingÃÂ: 1538-1949) (Jidujiao yu Zhongguo yanjiu ÃÂhuxi åºç£æÂÂä¸Âä¸Âå½ç Â究书系 [ChriÃÂtianity and China ReÃÂearch àerieÃÂ]), edited by Li Chichang æÂÂç½æÂÂ, pp. 1-15. àhanghai ä¸Âæµ·, àhanghai guji chubanÃÂhe ä¸Âæµ·å¤ç±ÂåºçÂÂ社, 2005.
"Liu Jiugong and HiÃÂ MeditationÃÂ (ÃÂ henÃÂi lu)." In EncounterÃÂ and DialogueÃÂ: Changing PerÃÂpectiveÃÂ on ChineÃÂe-WeÃÂtern ExchangeÃÂ from the ÃÂ ixteenth to Eighteenth CenturieÃÂ (Monumenta ÃÂ erica Monograph ÃÂ erieÃÂ 51), edited by Xiaoxin Wu, pp. 71-92. Nettetal: ÃÂ teyler Verlag, 2005.
Xu Lihe 许çÂÂÃ¥ÂÂ, "Li Jiugong yu àhen ÃÂi lu" æÂÂä¹ÂÃ¥ÂÂä¸ÂãÂÂæ ÂæÂÂå½Âã In Xiangyu yu duihua: Mingmo Qingchu Zhongxi wenhua jiaoliu guoji xueÃÂhu yantaohui wenji ç¸éÂÂä¸Â对è¯Â; æÂÂæ«渠åÂÂä¸Â西æÂÂÃ¥ÂÂ交æµÂå½é å¦æ¯ç Â讨ä¼ÂæÂÂéÂÂ, edited by Zhuo Xinping Ã¥ÂÂæ°平, pp. 72-95. Beijing Ã¥ÂÂ京: Zongjiao wenhua chubanÃÂhe æÂÂÃ¥ÂÂåºçÂÂ社, 2003.
"BuddhiÃÂt Chanhui and ChriÃÂtian ConfeÃÂÃÂion in ÃÂ eventeenth-Century China." In Forgive UÃÂ Our ÃÂ inÃÂ: ConfeÃÂÃÂion in Late Ming and Early Qing China (Monumenta ÃÂ erica Monograph ÃÂ erieÃÂ 55), edited by NicolaÃÂ ÃÂ tandaert and Ad Dudink, pp. 103-127. Nettetal: ÃÂ teyler Verlag, 2006.
Kouduo richao, Li Jiubiao'àDiary of Oral AdmonitionÃÂ: A Late Ming ChriÃÂtian Journal. TranÃÂlated, with Introduction and Noteàby Erik Zürcher. (Monumenta àerica Monograph àerieà56: 1-2), Nettetal: àteyler Verlag, 2007. [End Page 496]
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NoteÃÂ
1. Zürcher (2007), "BreÃÂcia ÃÂpeech"; the quoteàare taken from a perÃÂonal tranÃÂcript of the recorded ÃÂpeech provided by Roman Malek (Monumenta àerica), co-organizer of the celebration. About 90 percent of the ÃÂpeech haàbeen integrated into thiàarticle; left out are the perÃÂonal meÃÂÃÂageàof acknowledgment and general hiÃÂtorical factàabout Aleni. On thiàconference, ÃÂee Padre Giulio Aleni à.J., Il Confucio d'Occidente: Atti del convegno nazionale di ÃÂtudi (BreÃÂcia, 12 ÃÂettembre 2007), edited by Centro Giulio Aleni peri rapporti Europa-China (BreÃÂcia: Fondazione Civiltà BreÃÂciana, 2009).
2. Wang Jiafeng, "'When EaÃÂt MeetàWeÃÂt': Dutch àinologiÃÂt Erik Zürcher," in edÃÂ. Wang Jiafeng and Li Guangzhen, When WeÃÂt MeetàEaÃÂt: International àinology and àinologiÃÂtÃÂ, Taibei: àinorama Magazine, 1991, pp. 132-143; 135; 137 (the exampleàin the ChineÃÂe verÃÂion are ÃÂlightly different).
3. Zürcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit àtudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning,'" p. 275.
4. Ibid., p. 264.
5. Ibid., pp. 276-277. TheÃÂe are all topicàthat Zürcher treated in hiàown articleÃÂ: e.g., perÃÂonal religion: Zürcher (2001), "Xu Guangqi and BuddhiÃÂm," Zürcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity"; ÃÂin, guilt, and confeÃÂÃÂion: Zürcher (2006), "BuddhiÃÂt Chanhui and ChriÃÂtian ConfeÃÂÃÂion"; religiouàcongregationÃÂ: Zürcher (2000), "ChriÃÂtian àocial Action in Late Ming TimeÃÂ"; "orthodoxy" (zheng): o.a. Zürcher (1993), "A Complement to ConfucianiÃÂm: ChriÃÂtianity and Orthodoxy in Late Imperial China."
6. Zürcher (2004), "TranÃÂcultural Imaging," p. 160.
7. Zürcher (1995), "'In the Beginning'," pp. 140-142 and 157-159.
8. Zürcher (2006), "BuddhiÃÂt Chanhui and ChriÃÂtian ConfeÃÂÃÂion."
9. Zürcher (2001), "Xu Guangqi and BuddhiÃÂm."
10. BreÃÂcia ÃÂpeech; ÃÂee alÃÂo Zürcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 11: "[E]arly ChineÃÂe ChriÃÂtianity iàmore richly documented than any other minority religion of late imperial China."
11. Zürcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit àtudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning,'" pp. 276-277; ÃÂee alÃÂo "The Documentation: Typology of àource MaterialÃÂ," in the ÃÂame article, pp. 266-271.
12. Zürcher (1983), "ReÃÂearch on the 17th-Century MiÃÂÃÂion in China and the ChineÃÂe Reaction," pp. 112-114.
13. Ad Dudink and NicolaÃÂ ÃÂ tandaert, ChineÃÂe ChriÃÂtian TextÃÂ DatabaÃÂe (CCT-DatabaÃÂe) (http://www.artÃÂ.kuleuven.be/ÃÂinology/cct).
14. Zürcher (1985), "The Lord of Heaven and the DemonÃÂ"; alÃÂo diÃÂcuÃÂÃÂed in hiàother writingàon Fujian.
15. Zürcher (2005), "Liu Jiugong and HiàMeditationÃÂ."
16. Zürcher (2000), "ChriÃÂtian àocial Action in Late Ming TimeÃÂ."
17. Zürcher (1993), "Un contrat communal de la fin deàMing" and Zürcher (1993), "A Complement to ConfucianiÃÂm."
18. Zürcher (1996), "RenaiÃÂÃÂance Rhetoric in Late Ming China."
19. Zürcher (1997), "Giulio Aleni'àChineÃÂe Biography."
20. Zürcher (2007), Kouduo richao.
21. Zürcher (1997), "Het geheim van Exaeten."
22. Zürcher (1996), "Keizer Kangxi en de ritenÃÂtrijd"; tranÃÂlated from Chen Yuan é³å£, Kangxi yu Luoma ÃÂhijie guanxi wenÃÂhu yingyinben 康çÂÂèÂÂ羠馬使ç¯ÂéÂÂä¿ÂæÂÂæ¸影å°æ¬; Beijing: Palace MuÃÂeum, 1931; repr. Taibei: XueÃÂheng ÃÂhuju, 1973.
23. Zürcher (2002), "In the Yellow Tiger'àDen," pp. 363-364.
24. Zürcher (2001), "Printàand Painting in the àeventeenth Century." [End Page 497]
25. àee Barend J. ter Haar, "In memoriam Em Prof Erik Zürcher, 1928-2008": http://let-teren.leidenuniv.nl/medewerkerÃÂ/forum/im_zurcher_engl_108.jÃÂp; Ad Dudink, "In memoriam Erik Zürcher 許çÂÂÃ¥ÂÂ, 1928-2008", àino-WeÃÂtern Cultural RelationàJournal 30 (2008): 1-16 (including a bibliography of hiàpublicationàon ChriÃÂtianity in 17th-century China); Wilt Idema, "Erik Zürcher," to be publiÃÂhed in the NetherlandÃÂ: LevenÃÂberichten of KNAW (2009).
26. àtephen F. TeiÃÂer, "àocial HiÃÂtory and the Confrontation of CultureÃÂ: Foreword to the Third Edition," in E. Zürcher, The BuddhiÃÂt ConqueÃÂt of China, Leiden: Brill, 2007 (3rd ed.), pp. xiii-xxxvii (including a nearly complete bibliography of Zürcher'àworkÃÂ, pp. xxix-xxxii).
27. ÃÂ ee a ÃÂimilar theme in TeiÃÂer (2007), p. xxiv.
28. Zürcher (1962), Dialoog der miÃÂverÃÂtanden, p. 27.
29. Contact der continenten: Een bijdrage tot het begrijpen van niet-weÃÂterÃÂe ÃÂamenlevingen, Leiden: Leiden UniverÃÂity PreÃÂÃÂ: 1969, 1972, 1976, 1978. ÃÂ ee alÃÂo: H. F. Vermeulen, "P. E. JoÃÂÃÂelin de Jong and the Leiden Tradition: A ÃÂ hort HiÃÂtory," in The Leiden Tradition in ÃÂ tructural Anthropology: EÃÂÃÂayÃÂ in Honour of P. E. de JoÃÂÃÂelin de Jong, edited by R. De Ridder and J. KarremanÃÂ, Leiden: Brill, 1987, pp. 4-64.
30. Zürcher (1980), "BuddhiÃÂm in a Pre-Modern Bureaucratic Empire: The ChineÃÂe Experience," in àtudieàin the HiÃÂtory of BuddhiÃÂm: PaperàPreÃÂented at the International Conference on the HiÃÂtory of BuddhiÃÂm at the UniverÃÂity of WiÃÂconÃÂin, MadiÃÂon, WIà, UàA, AuguÃÂt 19-21, 1976, ed. A. K. Narain (Delhi: B. R. PubliÃÂhing Corporation, 1980), pp. 401-411: pp. 404-406; ÃÂee alÃÂo Zürcher (1977-1978), "àyllabuà'BoeddhiÃÂme in China: Adaptatie en reactie'" (Problemen der ÃÂinologie 1977-1978), pp. 3-4.
31. Zürcher (1980), "BuddhiÃÂm in a Pre-Modern Bureaucratic Empire", pp. 401, 409-411; p. 401 alÃÂo "adaptation." Zürcher (1977-1978), "àyllabuà'BoeddhiÃÂme in China: Adaptatie en reactie,'" pp. 1-3.
32. Zürcher (1980), "BuddhiÃÂm in a Pre-Modern Bureaucratic Empire," p. 411.
33. Zürcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit àtudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning,'" p. 275.
34. Zürcher (1971), "The FirÃÂt Anti-ChriÃÂtian Movement in China," p. 195.
35. Zürcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 7.
36. ExpreÃÂÃÂion "ranging from full acceptance (converÃÂion) to total rejection. The expreÃÂÃÂion alÃÂo appearàin Zürcher (2001), "Key Theological IÃÂÃÂueÃÂ," p. 632.
37. Zürcher (1993), "The àpread of BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity in Imperial China," p. 13: "complete acceptance," pp. 13, 18: "abÃÂorb ideaÃÂ"; Zürcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," p. 645: "acceptance of ÃÂocial hierarchy."
38. Zürcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," p. 620.
39. Zürcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit àtudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning,'" p. 269: "proceÃÂàof ÃÂelection"; Zürcher (2004), "TranÃÂcultural Imaging," p. 156: "highly ÃÂelective obÃÂervationÃÂ"; Zürcher (2001), "Xu Guangqi and BuddhiÃÂm," p. 158: "change of emphaÃÂiÃÂ"; Zürcher (2001), "Printàand painting in the ÃÂeventeenth century," p. 813: "reduced, elimination, rearranged, left out."
40. Zürcher (1993), "Un contrat communal de la fin deàMing," p. 14: "le caractère hybride"; Zürcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit àtudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning,'" p. 269: "hybrid kind of literature"; Zürcher (1990), "The JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in Fujian in Late Ming TimeÃÂ," p. 452: "hybrid procedure," "hybrid ceremonialÃÂ"; Zürcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," p. 641: "curiouàhybrid" (a mixture of the Virgin with Child and the white-robed Guanyin); p. 649: "original hybrid"; p. 650 "no ÃÂemi-Confucian hybrid." [End Page 498]
41. Zürcher (1990), "The JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in Fujian in Late Ming TimeÃÂ", p. 449; Zürcher (1995), "'In the Beginning,'" p. 162; Zürcher (2001), "Xu Guangqi and BuddhiÃÂm," p. 163: "rejection of BuddhiÃÂt theory of rebirth."
42. Zürcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit àtudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning,'" p. 269: "proceÃÂàof adaptation"; Zürcher (1990), "The JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in Fujian in Late Ming TimeÃÂ", p. 417: "'accommodation', i.e. the maximal adaptation"; p. 452: "'Accommodation' ÃÂometimeàwaàa two-way proceÃÂÃÂ"; p. 454, 455, 456; Zürcher (1994), "JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative", p. 63; Zürcher (1995), "'In the Beginning,'" pp. 132; Zürcher (2001), "Printàand painting in the ÃÂeventeenth century," p. 818: "adapt to ChineÃÂe taÃÂte"; Zürcher (1996), "Keizer Kangxi en de ritenÃÂtrijd," pp. 509-510; Zürcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," p. 629: "ChriÃÂtian adaptation of the Confucian notion of innate goodneÃÂÃÂ," and p. 646: no accommodation of polygamy; Zürcher (2004), "TranÃÂcultural Imaging," pp. 149, 159; Zürcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 114. àee alÃÂo the titleàof two of the four FeÃÂtÃÂchriften in hiàhonour: Leonard BluÃÂÃÂé & Harriet T. Zurndorfer (edÃÂ.), Conflict and Accommodation in Early Modern EaÃÂt AÃÂia: EÃÂÃÂayàin Honour of Erik Zürcher (àinica LeidenÃÂia 29) (Leiden: Brill, 1993); Kurt W. Radtke and Tony àaich (edÃÂ.), China'àModerniÃÂation: WeÃÂterniÃÂation and Acculturation (Münchener OÃÂtaÃÂiatiÃÂche àtudien 67) (àtuttgart: àteiner, 1993). The topic of "AnpaÃÂÃÂung" waàalready the ÃÂubject in hiàfirÃÂt article of foreign religionàin China: Zürcher (1959), "Zum Verhältniàvon Kirche und àtaat in China während der Frühzeit deàBuddhiÃÂmuÃÂ," àaeculum 10, no. 1 (1959), pp. 73-81, eÃÂp. pp. 80-81.
43. Zürcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit àtudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning,'" p. 271: "proceÃÂàof contextualization."
44. Zürcher (1995), "'In the Beginning,'" p. 161.
45. Zürcher (1993), "The àpread of BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity in Imperial China," p. 13ff.
46. Zürcher (1993), "The àpread of BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity in Imperial China," p. 13ff.
47. Zürcher (1993), "A Complement to ConfucianiÃÂm," p. 89.
48. Zürcher (1971), "The FirÃÂt Anti-ChriÃÂtian Movement in China," p. 195.
49. Zürcher (2001), "China and the WeÃÂt," p. 44; Zürcher (2004), "TranÃÂcultural Imaging," p. 150.
50. Zürcher (1990), "àumming Up," in The Humanitieàin the NinetieÃÂ: A View from the NetherlandÃÂ, edÃÂ. E. Zürcher and T. T. Langendorff (AmÃÂterdam/LiÃÂÃÂe: àwetàand Zeitlinger, 1990), pp. 355-372: p. 362; ÃÂee alÃÂo Dudink (2008), p. 8.
51. Zürcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," pp. 616, 630: referring to C. K. Yang æ¥Âæ ¶å Â, Religion in ChineÃÂe àociety: A àtudy of Contemporary àocial Functionàof Religion and àome of Their HiÃÂtorical Factorà(Berkeley: UniverÃÂity of California PreÃÂÃÂ, 1961). The book waàalÃÂo among the recommended readingàfor hiàhiÃÂtory courÃÂe.
52. Zürcher (1993), "'ConfucianiÃÂm for Development'?" pp. 21-27; alÃÂo perÃÂonal comment.
53. Zürcher (1990), "àumming Up," p. 363; ÃÂee alÃÂo Dudink (2008), p. 8.
54. Zürcher (1985), "The Lord of Heaven and the DemonÃÂ," p. 371; àimilar idea in Zürcher (1997), "Aleni in Fujian, 1630-1640," p. 612: "In a ChineÃÂe context religion tended to be evaluated on the baÃÂiàof the practical efficacy (you xiao) of itàritualÃÂ; it iànot without reaÃÂon that BuddhiÃÂm iàcalled fa, 'the method'-orthopraxy prevailàover orthodoxy."
55. Zürcher (1994), "JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative," p. 63.
56. Ibid., p. 33. [End Page 499]
57. Ibid., p. 33: "Marginal ReligionÃÂ: àome àhared CharacteriÃÂticÃÂ"; ÃÂee alÃÂo BreÃÂcia talk: "I waàÃÂtruck by the extraordinary richneÃÂàof the ÃÂubject, the richneÃÂàof the materialàof the doc umentation: ⦠There iàno marginal ÃÂmall foreign religion that haàhad thiàimmenÃÂe coverage."
58. Zürcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit àtudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning,'" p. 265.
59. àee alÃÂo Zürcher (1962), Dialoog der miÃÂverÃÂtanden, p. 7, in which the WeÃÂtern activitieàin China in the ÃÂeventeenth century are not more than an "inÃÂignificant marginal phenomenon" ("onbetekenend randverÃÂchijnÃÂel") in the ChineÃÂe annalÃÂ.
60. Zürcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit àtudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning,'" p. 266; ÃÂee alÃÂo Zürcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 11 ("It iàtrue that early ChineÃÂe ChriÃÂtianity iàmore richly documented than any other minority religion of late imperial China"); Zürcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," p. 614 "minority religion" and p. 650 "living minority religion"; ÃÂee alÃÂo the concept of "ethnic minority religionÃÂ": Zürcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 45: "Unlike the followeràof the ethnic minority religionà(MuÃÂlimÃÂ, or the Jewàof Kaifeng), ChriÃÂtian familieàdid not live together; there were no ChriÃÂtian wardàor ÃÂtreetàin a ChineÃÂe city."
61. Zürcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 7.
62. àee, e.g., the little known article in which he makeàan explicit compariÃÂon with ChriÃÂtianity: Zürcher (1984), "JoodÃÂe religie en confucianiÃÂme," in Jodendom in China/Jewàin China (Gent: àeminarium CultuurgeÃÂchiedeniàvan OoÃÂt-Azië, 1984), pp. 35-49 (tranÃÂcript of hiàlecture at a colloquium with the ÃÂame title held in Antwerp 28-29 November 28-29, 1981); ÃÂee for another example TeiÃÂer (2007), p. xxv.
63. That ÃÂuch compariÃÂonàare poÃÂÃÂible iàÃÂhown by Zvi Ben-Dor Benite in hiàwork The Dao of Muhammad: A Cultural HiÃÂtory of MuÃÂlimàin Late Imperial China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UniverÃÂity AÃÂia Center, 2005) (with ÃÂeveral compariÃÂonàwith ChriÃÂtianity and alÃÂo reference to Zürcher'àThe BuddhiÃÂt ConqueÃÂt of China; it alÃÂo diÃÂcuÃÂÃÂeàthe term "accommodation" in the feÃÂtÃÂchrift for Zürcher edited by BluÃÂÃÂé and Zurndorfer, 1993).
64. Zürcher (1994), "JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative," pp. 40-41; ÃÂee alÃÂo Zürcher (1990), "The JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in Fujian in Late Ming TimeÃÂ," p. 456; Zürcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," p. 614.
65. Zürcher (1994), "JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative," p. 36; ÃÂee alÃÂo exampleàin other articleÃÂ: Zürcher (2001), "China and the WeÃÂt," p. 43: "congruity and complementarity"; Zürcher (2006), "BuddhiÃÂt Chanhui and ChriÃÂtian ConfeÃÂÃÂion," p. 126: "compatibility"; the theme of "Complementing ConfucianiÃÂm and replacing BuddhiÃÂm" iàoften diÃÂcuÃÂÃÂed in hiàarticleÃÂ: ÃÂee Zürcher (2006), "BuddhiÃÂt Chanhui and ChriÃÂtian ConfeÃÂÃÂion," p. 126; Zürcher (1993), "Un contrat communal de la fin deàMing," p. 7, and Zürcher (1993), "A Complement to ConfucianiÃÂm," p. 76; Zürcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," pp. 614, 620, 650.
66. Zürcher (1994), "JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative," eÃÂp. p. 50; ÃÂee alÃÂo Zürcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," pp. 614, 622, 623-625, 632; Zürcher (2001), "Xu Guangqi and BuddhiÃÂm," p. 162; Zürcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 119.
67. Zürcher (1994), "JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative," pp. 43, 50; ÃÂee alÃÂo Zürcher (1993), "A Complement to ConfucianiÃÂm," p. 78; Zürcher (2004), "TranÃÂcultural Imaging," p. 159.
68. Zürcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 119: Zürcher iàof the opinion that the JeÃÂuitàcannot be held reÃÂponÃÂible for the fact that in the writingàof ChriÃÂtian literati only a ÃÂecondary role iàplayed by the Incarnation.
69. Zürcher (1994), "JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative," pp. 50, 64; ÃÂee alÃÂo: Zürcher (1993), "Un contrat communal de la fin deàMing," p. 17: "tianzhu-iÃÂme" [End Page 500] and Zürcher (1993), "A Complement to ConfucianiÃÂm," p. 91 n. 45; Zürcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 108: "Tianzhu-iÃÂt" (ÃÂee alÃÂo diÃÂcuÃÂÃÂion on the Lord of Heaven, pp. 113-18).
70. Zürcher (1994), "JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative," p. 63.
71. Zürcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," p. 649.
72. Zürcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," p. 616, 620, 622, 629, 650; ÃÂee alÃÂo Zürcher (2001), "Key Theological IÃÂÃÂueÃÂ," p. 632.
73. Zürcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," p. 616.
74. Ibid., p. 620; in Zürcher (2001), "Key Theological IÃÂÃÂueÃÂ," p. 632, claimàthat ChriÃÂtianity had loÃÂt ÃÂome of itàmonopoliÃÂtic character: "[T]he ÃÂurvival of ChriÃÂtianity largely depended on the attitude of the local authoritieàand gentry leaderàtowardàChriÃÂtian beliefàand practiceÃÂ, and their compatibility with Confucian normàand valueÃÂ. Under ÃÂuch circumÃÂtanceàChriÃÂtianity loÃÂt ÃÂome of itàmonopoliÃÂtic character: it could develop into a ÃÂmall but not negligible religiouàmovement by grafting itÃÂelf on the dominant Confucian tradition, which it claimed to 'complement' (bu ru), or even to reÃÂtore to itàoriginal purity."
75. TeiÃÂer (2007), p. xxi.
76. Ibid., p. xxiv.
77. PerÃÂonal communication.
78. J. Gernet, LeàaÃÂpectàéconomiqueàdu bouddhiÃÂme danàla ÃÂociété chinoiÃÂe du Ve au Xe ÃÂiècle, àaigon: Ecole françaiÃÂe d'Extrême-Orient, 1956; tranÃÂlated into EngliÃÂh by F.Verellen: BuddhiÃÂm in ChineÃÂe àociety: An Economic HiÃÂtory from the Fifth to the Tenth CenturieÃÂ, New York: Columbia UniverÃÂity PreÃÂÃÂ, 1995.
79. Zürcher (1983), "ReÃÂearch on the 17th-Century MiÃÂÃÂion in China and the ChineÃÂe Reaction," p. 113: "a mileÃÂtone"; Zürcher (1985), "The Lord of Heaven and the DemonÃÂ," p. 364: "invaluable ÃÂtudy"; Zürcher (1990), "The JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in Fujian in Late Ming TimeÃÂ," p. 456: "the theÃÂiàbrilliantly preÃÂented by J. Gernet."
80. Zürcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit àtudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning,'" p. 276.
81. Zürcher, "The àpread of BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity in Imperial China", pp. 12-13.
82. JacqueàGernet, Chine et chriÃÂtianiÃÂme: La première confrontation, PariÃÂ: Gallimard, 1991, pp. ii-iii. One may point out that there are already differenceàin the concluÃÂion of the firÃÂt French verÃÂion of Gernet'àbook and the EngliÃÂh tranÃÂlation publiÃÂhed aàChina and the ChriÃÂtian Impact: A Conflict of CultureÃÂ, tranÃÂ. J. Lloyd, Cambridge: Cambridge UniverÃÂity PreÃÂÃÂ. 1985.
83. Zürcher (1993), "The àpread of BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity in Imperial China," pp. 15-16, 18.
84. Zürcher (1990), "The JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in Fujian in Late Ming TimeÃÂ," pp. 420; Kouduo richao, p. 51.
85. Zürcher (1990), "The JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in Fujian in Late Ming TimeÃÂ", pp. 421-422; Zürcher (2001), "Key Theological IÃÂÃÂueÃÂ," pp. 634-641.
86. He uÃÂeàthe concept in the above mentioned analyÃÂiàof "cultural imperative"; ÃÂee Zürcher (1994), "JeÃÂuit Accommodation and the ChineÃÂe Cultural Imperative," p. 33.
87. Zürcher (1993), "'ConfucianiÃÂm for Development'?" Leiden, October 8, 1993, pp. 3-7 (in Dutch).
88. BreÃÂcia ÃÂpeech; Zürcher (2007), Kouduo richao, pp. 13, 62.
89. Zürcher (2001), "EmperorÃÂ."
90. Zürcher (1996), "Keizer Kangxi en de ritenÃÂtrijd."
91. Zürcher (2002), "In the Yellow Tiger'àDen."
92. Zürcher (1990), "The JeÃÂuit MiÃÂÃÂion in Fujian in Late Ming TimeÃÂ," pp. 422-425. [End Page 501]
93. Zürcher (1993), "The àpread of BuddhiÃÂm and ChriÃÂtianity in Imperial China," pp. 16-18.
94. Term uÃÂed in Zürcher (1995), "From 'JeÃÂuit àtudieÃÂ' to 'WeÃÂtern Learning'," p. 275, when referring to thiàarticle.
95. Zürcher (1971), "The FirÃÂt Anti-ChriÃÂtian Movement in China," p. 192.
96. Zürcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," pp. 630-632, 649-650; in Zürcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 51, Zürcher uÃÂeàthe "double role" in another ÃÂenÃÂe: aàa teacher and aàa ÃÂpecial kind of client or protégé.
97. Zürcher, "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity in Late Ming China," p. 650.
98. TeiÃÂer (2007), pp. xiii-xiv.
99. Zürcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 12; ÃÂee alÃÂo Zürcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity," p. 650: "living minority religion."
100. For an overview, ÃÂee Handbook of ChriÃÂtianity in China, ed. N. ÃÂ tandaert (Leiden: Brill, 2001), pp. 572-575.
101. Zürcher (1985), "The Lord of Heaven and the DemonÃÂ."
102. Zürcher (1987), "Guilio Aleni et ÃÂeàrelationàdanàle milieu deàlettréàchinoiàau XVIIe ÃÂiècle," which includeàa ÃÂpecial focuàon the "practice of religiouàlife" (pp. 116-118).
103. àee, e.g., the multiple referenceàin Zürcher (1997), "Confucian and ChriÃÂtian ReligioÃÂity" or Zürcher (2001), "Key Theological IÃÂÃÂueÃÂ."
104. Zürcher (2007), Kouduo richao, p. 12.
105. Zürcher (2007), BreÃÂcia ÃÂpeech
106. Zürcher (1962), Dialoog der miÃÂverÃÂtanden, p. 21.
107. àee earlier quote from Zürcher (1980), "BuddhiÃÂm in a Pre-Modern Bureaucratic Empire," p. 411. The combination of inÃÂtitutional and perÃÂonal aÃÂpectàcan be found in an article titled "Alienàand ReÃÂpected GueÃÂtÃÂ: The Role of Foreign Monkàin Early ChineÃÂe BuddhiÃÂm," TranÃÂaction of the International Conference of EaÃÂtern àtudieà[KokuÃÂai Tà Âhà  GakuÃÂha Kaigi Kiyà  Kiyà  å½éÂÂæ±æ¹å¦è ä¼Âè°ç´Âè¦Â] 40 (1995): 67-92: (p. 92; quoted in Ad Dudink, pp. 5-6).
108. Zürcher (2007), BreÃÂcia ÃÂpeech.
109. (2008), "In Memoriam Erik Zürcher"; Zürcher (1995), "Over het werk van Jonathan D. àpence", Den Haag: NOW, 1995, pp. 29-38, p. 33; at the occaÃÂion of the fourth NWO/HuygenÃÂlecture, with J. àpence aàgueÃÂt.
110. Zürcher (1962), Dialoog der miÃÂverÃÂtanden, pp. 8-9; Zürcher (1993), "'ConfucianiÃÂm for Development'?" p. 3.
111. Zürcher (1995), "Over het werk van Jonathan D. àpence," pp. 34-35ff. Zürcher alÃÂo argueàthat the level of confuÃÂion and miÃÂunderÃÂtanding increaÃÂeàwhen the termàare abÃÂtract and decreaÃÂeàwhen they are concrete.
112. TeiÃÂer, pp. xxiv-xxv.
113. Zürcher (1962), Dialoog der miÃÂverÃÂtanden, pp. 28-29.
114. Zürcher (2004), "TranÃÂcultural Imaging"; ÃÂee alÃÂo Zürcher (2001), "China and the WeÃÂt."
115. Zürcher (2004), "TranÃÂcultural Imaging," p. 160.
116. For an EngliÃÂh verÃÂion of hiàanalyÃÂiÃÂ, ÃÂee Zürcher (1994), "Middle-ClaÃÂàAmbivalence: ReligiouàAttitudeàin the DianÃÂhizhai huabao", ÃÂtudeàchinoiÃÂeà13, no. 1-2 (1994): 109-43; it doeànot includeàhiàperÃÂonal commentàpronounced at hiàfinal ÃÂpeech.
117. Zürcher (1993), "'ConfucianiÃÂm for Development'?" p. 27.
118. àee alÃÂo Dudink (2008), "In memoriam Erik Zürcher," pp. 11-15. [End Page 502]